YIDEG MUNANA NEGAH
Bahir Dar University, Faculty of Applied Social Sciences
Bahir Dar, Ethiopia
After the collapse of the dictatorial regime in 1991, Ethiopia
developed, in its essence, its first Federal Democratic Constitution in 1995.
Since then Ethiopia is declared as a federal state encompassing various
ethno-linguistic groups. Accordingly, the federation has comprised nine
regional states and two city administrations. One among the member states of
the federation the SNNPR, are composed of several of multi ethnic communities.
The SNNPR witnessed inter ethnic disputes such as identity, border and resource
conflicts that caused unnecessary consequence. In the constitution, adopted by
the Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples of the SNNPR, the Council of
Nationalities was institutionalized with a number of constitutional mandates of
which dispute management and resolution is the prominent one. Thus, the
Council, which has different constitutional functions, is constitutionally
empowered to deal with disputes for the main reason that to ensure full respect
of the rights of NNPs enshrined in the constitution and hence, the house of
nationalities with this power was thought essential. It is in light of this
power that the article entitled ‘Scrutinize Formal Conflict Resolutions
Institutions in Ethiopia: The case of Council of Nationalities of SNNP region.
For the accomplishment of the objective of the study, largely secondary data
and primary data obtained through unstructured interviews were used. In doing
so, some cases entertained by the Council of Nationalities were analyzed. To
achieve its goals the Council of Nationalities has designed strategies. But
during the processes of conflict resolutions, the CoN has not been carried out
as it supposed to resort. Deploying
security force has taken as a viable option to find out resort for conflicts
emerged in the region. As a result, many of conflict cases in the region remain
either unsettled or prolonged to violence. In fact the CoN had brought some remarkable
achievements that reinforce its future endeavor. As institution which found in
conflict prone areas, the CoN should strengthen its instructional frameworks,
skilled human power, modern technology and desire to work with indigenous
conflict resolution institution to get things done.
Scrutinize Sub-National Formal Conflict Resolution Institutions in
Ethiopia: the Council of Nationalities of the South Nations, Nationalities and
People Region
1. Introduction
The
name Ethiopia has come to signify different things to different people. For
some it is oldest country with cradle of civilizations and pride of Africa in
which any freedom fighter will take immense inspiration. Nationalist political
forces, on the other hand, regarded it as a narration of ruthless colonial. 1960s
and 70s dominant multinational movements which crystallized from Ethiopian
Students Movement re defined the country as a multi-cultural and
multi-religious that should be accommodate diversity to make peace happen in
it. Here the question is why people apprehended the history of the country
differently? Assefa, Fesiha argued that the writing history of the country
sowed the seed of diversified political ramification into political crisis. In
terms of coverage, dominant approach has been portrayed it as “a story of succession
of rulers and dynasties and as a result, because of the dominant position of
the Amharas and the Tigrayans, it was equated with what the ferengis call the Abyssinian culture[1].” It pays little or no
attention to understand the other ethnic group’s culture.
On
the other hand, historians and politicians of the new generation have brought
different approach of writing Ethiopian history. Thiers characterization
focused on undermining the shared values and reconstruction of the past history
for the purpose of mobilizing the people based on ethnic affinity. Some Ethiopian
youth political activists (dominantly Eritreans and the Oromos), guided by primordial
reasons, developed a perspective of colonization and subjugation to intensify
struggle for self determination
(Zahorik, 2011). For example, the rise of Eritrean movement
which stretched on the basis of ethnic affinity served for other movements as a
signal to mobilize the people. In a similar fashion, the Oromos, Somalis and Tigrayans
picked up ethnicity as the heartland of their political struggle (Bahru, 2007
cited Bereketab 2013).
Ethnicity
has been salient feature of Ethiopia’s political struggle from the mid 20th
C. Since then dominate opposition political forces (both nationalist and multi
nationalist) overtly criticize the imperial regime of Haile slasse over the
alienations and marginalization of ethnic groups of Ethiopia. The quest for
self determination and social justice which was raised during the events of
the1960s 1970s were particularly crucial and still have repercussions on the
present state structure and the ideology behind it. But these political forces
came on board had somehow different orientation in terms of the vision they
wanted to realize.
The
Discourse of ethnicity remains unanswered even after the Dergue took the
political post of the country. Aalen (2006) noted that ethnic groups during the
regime became gradually more suppressed and less empowered than previous. As
such, ethno nationalist struggle intensified ever before. Tigray People
Liberation Front (TPLF) formed on 18 Feburary 1975(Aregawi 2009 cited in
Bereketab 2013) with idea of establishing democratic republic of Tigray, towards
the end of Dergue`s rule, however, it played dominate role in creation of multi
coalition, the Ethiopian People Liberation Front, which was formed in 1989.
The
other ethno notational dominant political force was, Oromo Liberation Front,
laid its foundation in 1973 with the quest to have self administration up to
and including session of the Oromo people.
The OLF joined the EPRDF coalition as partner and participated in the
EPRDF led transitional government in 1991(Bereketab, 2013). The cumulative
efforts and momentum of different political forces (Ethno nationalist and Non
–ethnic political force) deposed the military regime and changed the political
landscape of the country.
Following the collapse Dergue regime, the
country established a federal system in the form of granting regional autonomy,
self-determination up to including secession, started in 1991 and lasted for
about four years of transition period, and it was fully formalized in the 1995
FDRE constitution. This is evident in the first article of the constitution
that stipulates the establishment of a federal state. The Preamble taken
together with other provisions of the constitution may be considered as an
indication to prove the considerable importance that ethnicity and the
accommodation of diversity have in contemporary Ethiopian politics. The member
state of the federation comprise on the basis of the settlements pattern,
language, identity and consents of the people concerned[2].
This article aims at assessing the
potential of Ethiopia`s formal conflict resolution institutions which established
to work with conflicts. Dealing with the whole formal conflict resolution
institutions in the Country would not be manageable in many respects.
Accordingly, a more specific focus is to explore the efforts being made by the Council
of Nationalities of South Nations, Nationalities and People`s Region (Ethiopia)
to mitigate conflicts. The article organized into three sections. The first
section deals with theoretical assumptions of ethnic conflicts and
conceptualization of the nature of conflicts in South Nations, Nationalities
and People`s Region. The second briefly reviews institutional arrangement,
policies, strategies and methods the Council of Nationalities designed to deal
with conflicts. Third section raises achievements and failures of the Council
of Nationalities in the endeavor to work with conflicts sustainably.
1.2.
Theories/Models/ of Ethnic Conflicts
Scholars
in the field made distinction between “ethnicity and nationalism”. Some, for
example, Wubshet (2015) closely relates ethnicity as sociological concept,
where as nationalism associated to political science. He further goes on to argue ethnicity is a foundation
for the formation of nationalism. On the other hand, the transitional charter
of Ethiopia/which had formulated in1991/ characterize ethnicity equivalent to
race. Many academicians in field still use terms such as clan, tribe and
nationality to describe ethnicity.
Political
scientists and sociologist categorized the notion of ethnicity in to three
groups, namely Primordial approach, Instrumental view and Social
construction. The Primordialists viewed
ethnicity is as natural (biologically inherited), eternal and confided by
common and consistent cultural elements. To the contrary, Instrumentalists
version of ethnicity is a social entity which manipulated by political elites
whenever they want to claim political power. As such nor ethnicity and ethnic
identity has natural existence. On the
other hand, the social construction perspectives hold ethnicity something
neither existed naturally nor artificially formed. It would rather be created
based on the consent of the members of the ethnic group. The formation of such
ethnic identity is driven by historical incidence associated to the group[3] (Wubshet, 2015).
Most
of the time political elite maneuver ethnicity as a way to claim political
power. For instance earlier European colonialist’s image of African identities
as example of primordial approach; as divided into clearly separated ‘tribes’
defined on the basis of objective
cultural markers(Pritchar, 1999 cited in Aalen, 2010). In the mean time, their
policy of indirect rule demonstrated official definition of ethnicity based on
compatibility to their political arrangement (Bayar, 1993 cited Aalen, 2010).
As result, Horowitz,
1985; Azar, 1990, Gurr, 1994 all noted that the ethnic conflicts that have been
emerged in Africa stimulated by elites under the cover of race, religion,
language and identity.
In Ethiopian, the1995 FDRE constitution
definition of ethnic groups as clearly distinguishable cultural groups is the
same kind to primordial ideas of ethnicity.
Article
39/5 of the constitution stipulated that:
a Nation, Nationality or
People is a group of people who have or share a large measure of a common
culture, similar custom, mutual intelligibility of language, common related or
related identity, a common psychological makeup, and who inhabit an
identifiable, predominantly contiguous territory.
A
rival explanation for the above argument contends that the theory hardly corresponds
with the specific characteristics and definition ethnicity and ethnic identity
in Ethiopia. Despite the constitution defined ethnic groups akin to primordial
approach to ethnicity, on the ground the political arrangement made in the
country conceptualizes ethnicity and ethnic groups descend to instrumental view
points. As a result, the federal experiment witnessed many conflicts in the
country underpinned by issues related to identity (Markakis, 1998; Wubshet,
2015). In a similar vein, Beyene[4] argued that the main
reason behind conflicts in federal Ethiopia since 1991 is that the artificial
arrangements of ethnic groups identity by the EPRDF. For instance, the making of South Nations,
Nationalities and Peoples Region concluded by pull different ethnic groups
together[5].
A number of explanations
of ethnic conflicts and models attempt to predict them are available. For example, Horowitz forwarded three major
theories to explain ethnic conflicts, namely class theory, modernization theory
and cultural difference theories. Modernization theory characterizes mere
sentimental value to ‘outmoded traditionalism’ causes ethnic conflict. This
theory underlined that get to escape away from ethnic conflicts could possible
if modernization penetrates the domain of ethnic existence. Whereas, Class
theories of ethnic conflicts hold that belief in a particular ethnic identity
is part of an ideology that masks class interests and diverts the working class
from pursuing their interests. As such most ethnic demands have been emerged as
part of the response and resistance to different classes of oppression, namely
exploitation, marginalization, powerlessness, violence, and cultural
imperialism (Young, 2000 Cited in Tsegaye, 2010). On the other hand,
cultural difference theory underlined that conflict among ethnic groups arises out of
incompatibilities among their cultures. It further holds that plural societies
are defined by dissensus and pregnant with conflicts (Horowiz 1985 Cited in
Tsegaye 2010).
Some
more theories, for example grievance and justice seeking model, explain ethnic
conflicts burst by relative deprivation defined as a gap between the social
group believes it deserves and what it actually gets (Gurr, 1970 cited in
Kidane 2013). As such ethnic conflict emerges when conflicting groups who
wanted either to improve their disadvantages socio economic position or
preserve their hegemonic position. A research finding, for example Stewart
(2000), shows a positive relation between inequalities and occurrence of ethnic
conflict.
1.3.
Ethnicity and Conflicts in Federal Ethiopia: An
overview
Scholars
in the area of federal studies firmly figure out two pre conditions to
mitigating ethnic conflict in federal states; building democratic government
and developing common citizenship. Coercion undermines basic principles of
federalism (Self rule and shared rule and division of power of member states). Likewise
the idea of federalism without common citizenship, granting the right to self
determination for ethnic groups’ likely turn to claims of secession and finally
leads to disintegration of federal states (Burges and Gagnon, 1993; Aalen,
2006). The development over reaching identity could be a remedy to ethnically
based self-rule from leading to parochialism and fragmentation (Ghai, 2000;
Aalen, 2006). In doing so, in times of disagreement between ethnic groups, the
appeal to the idea of an overall citizenship may prevent the conflict from escalating
into open ethnic fighting.
Ethiopia was at
the brink of total collapse and disintegration because of the social, political
and economic policies adopted by the previous regimes[6]. Principally uneven ethnic relations in the
country considered as foundation for problems that degenerated to conflicts.
Subsequently, the country has never known
either a democratic political system or an administrative culture to
accommodate the ethnic group’s demands (Merera, 2003; Alem,
2004). As a result, ethnicity is taken seriously in the endeavor to reconstruct
the state as a multi-national, multicultural federal polity since 1991. The
restructuring of the state since then was the response to build suitable system
that could be used as an instrument of managing the complex ethno-linguistic
diversity in turn, reduce conflicts (Aalen, 2006; Tsegaye, 2008; Asnake, 2009).
Federal arrangement widely believed to be a
panacea for a nation with multi-ethnic society if and only if the following
preconditions fulfilled. First, in the endeavor to mitigate conflicts, readiness
in terms of putting in place a systematic set of policies, institutions, strategies,
and methods for handling conflicts should be carried out. Because the extent
the policies, strategies and institutional framework address the quest rise
from member states of a federation indicates the functionality of a federal system
(Aalen, 2006). Worthwhile these benefits, EPRDF vowed to build democratic norms
and institutions capable of holding the principle of federalism.
The question is, therefore, did the
federal experiment proved to be a panacea for the country’s deep rooted
socio-political problems as it opted? Many scholars have been regarded it short
to the expectation. For example, Aalen lovies argued the new political
arrangement of Ethiopia did not brought durable peace as EPRDF promised to
bring about. He further noted that, firstly, the EPRDF regime is semi
authoritarian in nature; it did not build strong democratic institutions. Given
the fact that democratic institutions are instrumental to ensure self rule and
shared rule, a federal system with democratic institution is not better than
symbolic. In light of this, the question of political equality and self
administration were the driving force that led the country to political
crackdown since 2015[7]. Subsequently, the new
federal experiment has been emphasized at the risk of undermining the concept
of citizenship[8].
Citizenship and values attached with it overridden by ethnic issues (Alem,
2006). As a result, the process of seeking solutions for old problems has born
new conflicts: conflicts for new power, new resource, the quest to have self
administrative status, identity, political empowerment, and the demand to
ensure local economic justice (Tsegaye, 2010).
Apparently, the federal system of Ethiopia
established several institutions both at the federal and regional levels to deal
with conflicts. Some of them are explicitly established by the constitution and
proclamations at a federal and regional unit while others are mostly organized
based on formal and informal bilateral and/or multilateral agreements. House of
Federation and Ministry of Federal Affairs at the federal level, and Council of
Nationalities (SNNPR) and the like have been created at regional levels to deal
with conflicts[9].
The House of Federation is established with
mandates supposed to keep the balance of the federal arrangement. It was explicitly granted the power to
adjudicate disputes within the federation. In addition, the Ministry of Federal
Affairs has been established, by virtue of Proclamation No. 256/2001, with a
special mandate to get involved in the affairs of the regional states when (1)
regions request the federal government involvement (2) the issue(s) is/are
violent that endanger the constitution. The
engagements of such institutions in conflict management and resolutions have supported
the country’s effort to ensure sustainable peace.
Owing these benefit of formal conflict
resolution institutions, member regional governments cascaded the federal
conflict resolutions institutions mandates and organizational structure to
realize in their respective regions. Given the fact that the South Nations,
Nationalities and People region is the home of various ethnic groups (more than
56), establishing conflict resolutions institution was more demanding than any
other regions. Hence, by the virtue of 1994 SNNPRS constitution, Council of
Nationalities came into being having the goal of addressing matters of
nationalities.
2.
Nature of Conflicts in South Nations, Nationalities
and Peoples’ Region
Southern
Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional (SNNPR) State is located in the
southern part of Ethiopia bordering Kenya, Gambela regional state in the west
and Oromia regional state in the north and east. The total area of the region
is 113,539 square kilometres i.e. 10 % of the national area.
It is also the home of more than 56 different Nations, Nationalities and Peoples[10].
Following
the collapse of Dergue regime in 1991, the transitional government of Ethiopia
made fourteen regions. Five among of the fourteen regions were found in
geographic south of Ethiopia. These were Region seven,[11] Region eight[12], Region nine[13], Region ten[14] and Region eleven[15]. Meanwhile, in February 8, 1993[16] these regions descended to one and established
‘The Southern Ethiopia Transitional government’’. The government justified the
new political arrangement as a response to the request of Nations,
Nationalities and Peoples presented. With regard to the local administration
arrangement, initially the region established eleven zones and five special Woreda
administrations. Meanwhile, as part of the efforts to create conducive
administrative system, two additional zonal administrations have been
established[17].
The Government claimed the new arrangement intended
to managing nations and nationalities
human and material resources, overcoming their common enemy, poverty,
democratization process, thereby establishing single strong political and
economic community. Opposite to the government’s claim, some scholars, for
example Vaughan, argued the decision that has made by EPRDF in South region to
claw back control over what some calls as ethnic ‘free-for-all’ in political
and administrative organization provoked conflicts.
As
stipulated in the 2001 revised constitution of SNNPR, the regional state has
three organs namely; the legislative (State Council& the Council of
Nationalities), the executive and judiciary body. The State Council, the Executive
and Judiciary organs have organizational structure at zones, special Woredas
and Kebeles
levels. But the Council of Nationalities has not organizational structure at
lower level governments[18].
As
Fisher (2000) noted, diversity by itself is not a problem but it is lack of
proper handling of the existing objective reality that makes it worse (Fisher,
2000). In this regard, despite the SNNPR has been trying to resolve some of the
major conflicts, still several intra and inter-regional ethnic conflicts have been
emerged in different part of the region (Dereje, 2010). Given the fact it is
wealthy in terms of natural resource coupled with its diversity makes the
region highly sensitive. On top of that asymmetric relations among/between
ethnic groups within and out of region driven by factors related cultural and
economic reasons feed into crisis of the region.
Therefore,
the conflicts ravaging the region are underpinned by historical, socio-economic
and environmental issues can be classified in to the following categories: border
issues, identity and quest to have self administrative status, lack of good governance, cultural
miscommunications and resource based conflicts[19]. Furthermore, the conflicts have
been compounded by the federal government and inter regional interventions. Ostensibly,
such interventions have been motivated by dominantly economic factors. This
section offers an overview of conflicts in the SNNPR focusing on major causes
of conflicts.
2.1.
Border Conflicts in the Region
Among the several triggering causes of conflict,
conflict over border issue is the most potent.
Predominantly, along the boundary of two neighboring ethnic groups,
disputes are apparent in the demarcation of their respective territory.
Border related conflicts the region experienced so far have two dimensions namely;
inter and intra regional state boundary conflicts.[20] Many
of inter regional conflicts the region experienced in different course of time have
been alongside Oromia regional state[21].
The
region has also been suffered by potent intra state conflicts emerged between/among
different ethnic groups over their border side. Since 1991
there had been violent conflict between Wolyta -Sidama around Blatte
River, Zaise - Derashe, Konso- Derashe and Konso- Burji. There were border related conflicts in some
part of the region, for example, Konso - Amarro, Beta - Durka kebele, Zellba – Zalla and Keddida -
Baddiwochu. Furthermore conflicts emerged between Mereko – Manskan and Ixie - Bemuhr
over border issues are not resolved yet[22].
Scholars, notably, Vaughan
and Tronvoll justified the reason why many of border conflicts burst up more
than ever before in region. They argued that many of the dormant conflicts were
provoked and became open by the new constitutional order as EPRDF urged them to
draw boundaries based on ethnic and linguistic criteria’s. As a result the new
political arrangement since 1991 put on legitimacy to pre-existing competition
and antagonism.
In general, the issues of border in
Ethiopia and in the SNNPR in particular have become the major causes for violent
conflicts following the restructuring of the Ethiopian state and the policy
adopted by the regime. But the government blamed local government leaders and
the people misinterpretation of federal system degenerated to border conflicts
in the region.[23]
2.2.
Cultural Miscommunication and Conflicts in the SNNPRS
According to the theory of cultural
miscommunication, culture does much to determine the way we think about and
perceive the events happening around us and the way we act and the manner in
which we relate to others. Many conflicts between and within
nations are in one way or the other rooted in cultural differences, the lack of
respect for cultural diversity, and the resulting misunderstandings and
tensions between peoples. Stein (2005) contends that cultural miss-
communication contribute a lot to the occurrences of ethnic conflicts by
sharpening ethnic identity and by producing condition of uncertainty. In a
similar vein, Mattew
Arnold, on his piece entitled culture and conflict
underscores, given
the fact that peoples honor their own culture, and often seek to maintain it in
the face of outside influences, it have
been root causes of some conflicts in the multiethnic society.
In
the SNNPR too, cultural miscommunication has been a cause for many conflicts.
Most of such conflicts appear when one party considers itself as being
traditionally betrayed by the other has resulted in distrust among the parties[24].
Characterizing and labeling the others ethnic groups culture as inferior and
uncivilized caused to suspicious and hostile ethnic relations among/ between
ethnic groups of the SNNP region. For
example, ethnic groups of the south west part of region regarded Mejenger and
Menja as inferior, as a result, theirs resentment and disappointment is high.
Ethnicity or identity has been the
driving force behind many of the demands for a measure of self-rule in a
well-defined territorial level of local government either with the status of a
zone or Woreda (Alemanyehu, 2009). Hence, identity deprivation or
oppression is the motive behind the demand to have their own defined
territories and administrative and in a situation where such a demand is not
succeeded, identity become triggering cause for conflicts.
Although the government claimed identity
and the quest to have self administrative status as less frequent cause of
conflicts, several numbers of conflicts had been appeared in the region. Merging
of ethnicities and the right to self determination which made scared
constitutionally encouraged various ethnic groups to assert their own ethnic
identities. On the other hands, the patterns of
relationships between ethnic majorities and settler communities experienced
change as a result of the overall changes in the political structures of the
country and its underlying ideologies
(Tsegaye, 2001).
2.4.
Conflict over Natural Resources in the Region
Resource conflicts usually exacerbated because of
dwindling of resources, population pressure, change in livelihood strategies of
communities. Changes in political
structures and processes within the country have been attributed to
environmental conflicts (Medhane, 2004). Dwindling of land resources as a
result of development interventions (large scale mechanized farms); continuous
and cyclic droughts induce acute resource conflicts between users of natural
resources. There
had been conflicts in South Omo and Bench-Maji zones of the SNNP region over grazing
land and cattle raids (Almayehu, 2009). Beside this, changes in the livelihood strategies and mode of
production of pastoral communities (particularly transformation from
pastoralist to agriculture and agro-pastoralist) intensify resource conflicts
in the region[25].
3.
The Council of Nationalities
As
mentioned elsewhere in this article Sothern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples
regional states is a home diverse ethnic and linguistic groups. As such each
Nation and Nationality had to be represented in a peculiar institution to
enshrine theirs interest. For this reason, the SNNPR constitution has created
an encouraging atmosphere so as to enable all nationalities to actively
participate in decision making on public affairs directly and indirectly i.e.
through their representatives in the two organs of government, particularly in
legislative organ of the state, not only issues relating to their special
interests but also on all matters affecting the wellbeing of the regional
state.
The
SNNPR Constitution guarantees the right of each Nation, Nationality and People
to equitable representation in regional state governments. It stipulates:
In accordance with the provision the
constitution, every Nation, Nationality and People in the region has the right
to a full measure of self-government which includes the right to establish
institutions of government in the territory that it inhabits and to equitable
representation in the regional state governments”[26].
Peculiar to SNNPRS, in
a unique provision which echoes the House of Federation at the national level,
the 2001 revised constitution of the SNNPR state provided for the establishment
of a Council of Nationalities
in 12 November 2001[27]. The deemed to have one more legislative organ
required to accommodate much-diversified characters of the SNNPR society. It is with
these objectives that the constitution clearly provides for the representation
of each Nation, Nationality
and Peoples in the Council of Nationalities.[28]
This
constitutional provision does not put any minimum demographic requirement to the
Nations, Nationalities and
Peoples’ represented in the
CoN. Thus, each Nation and Nationality entitled
to have one representative in it. They are also constitutionally granted to
have more representatives as their population size cross to one million.[29] Hence, The Council of Nationalities, as
one of the institutions established to respect constitutional rights of the
people, is responsible for and plays an important role in enhancing the
democratic unity of the regional state[30].
3.2. Conflict
Management and Resolution Strategies of the CoN
As it has been clearly
pronounced in this article, the gravity of the above mentioned conflict cases
deemed to establish conflict resolution institution at sub national level like,
Council of Nationalities. Accordingly, it is extremely important to have a
clear policy and strategies to discharge duties effectively. Hence, CoN has
designed strategies of conflict management and resolution as per the mandate
given by the region’s constitution. In this section, the article scrutinize
list and nature of the strategies of conflict management and resolution formulated
by the CoN, and how it execute those strategies to able to control conflict
cases appeared in the region.
Council
of Nationalities has designed the following strategies to address conflict
cases and ensure peace and stability in the region. Making all- rounded
participation on conflict resolving tasks, performing capacity building
activities, identifying and strengthen social organizations, extending peace education
and working on the youth continuously. It has been
exerted efforts related to empowering women and making them participants in
conflict resolution processes, and correlate development plans with conflict resolving
tasks.[31]
3.2.1.
Making
All Rounded Participation on Conflict Resolving Tasks
The CoN rationalizes the involvement of various
societal organizations as a corner stone for conflict management and resolution[32]. Sustainable conflict resolution could be
attainable, if and only if, various social institutions are encouraged to
participate in the process[33]. Community
elders, religious leaders and clan leaders believed to have big potential to
use their wide spread recognition and respect in several social issues[34]. Nonetheless, informants approached to this
study claims that though the elders have potential to manage and resolve conflicts,
those who supposed as elders and working with the CoN were not a real figure of
the community[35].
The informant further noted that, in many conflict resolution processes, the government
manipulates elders to hold position that it wanted ultimately.
Moreover, some elders whom
recruited as a cooperative partner to the Council of Nationalities were highly
emotional and partial to their respective community. For instance, during
conflict settlement process of Sidama –Wolyta, they were elders who put salt on
the wound and degenerate the conflict to violence[36]. Undeniably, the effectiveness
of a dispute settlement system depends up on the selection and training of
credible participants and their impartiality or the perception of impartiality.
Therefore, conflict management and resolution could
be creative, when institution working with conflict is critical in recruiting
key personalities who are figure for that particular community so that process
of conflict management and resolution could be more participatory.
Culture of peace has to
be identified in the socio-political and economic dynamics of the society that
could either sustain the culture of violence thereby hindering the achievement
of a culture of peace or create a condition for the entrenchment of a culture
of peace (Baron and Pillay, 2006). There may also be a tendency that the
socio-economic and political dynamics may sustain the culture of violence and
the culture of peace in different areas of life or even in the same areas in
different context.
The process of
entrenching the culture of peace in the SNNPR via the Council of Nationalities
in collaboration with NGOs and bilateral cooperation has done core tasks;
transmit and peace conference to the public through mass medias and preparing a
training manual in collaboration with partner organization working in the area
of peace and conflict resolution[37]. In
this regard, it is GiZ which takes the lion’s share by facilitating the peace
conference and training the manual preparation. In a similar a vein, an
interview held with the coordinators of the GiZ [38]in the South
district corroborate that they have been busy of preparing stages to create
awareness in different areas of the region. He further shed light on the effort
being made by the GiZ in South district that peace culture, peace education,
and conflict management and resolution techniques were priority areas in which
the organization worked out. In general, in the processes to entrench the
culture of peace, the CoN in collaboration GiZ has been trying to put forth
efforts; however, it falls somehow short to meet the expectations.
Conflict assessment is the process of systematic collection
of information about the dynamics of a conflict and open-ended,
participant-based data as the path to specifying conflict processes[39].
Well designed information system is particularly useful for third parties such
as intervention agents and institution which are mandated to investigate a
particular conflict.
Some key informants stated the CoN
has used systematic ways of collecting and obtaining necessary information. He
further claimed that it has strong network with zonal, Woreda and Kebele leaders, to collect information which
shall be used as impute[40]. In opposite to what has been said
above, anonymous informant approached to this study noted that, the CoN did not
establish channels of communication to exchange information with stakeholders.
As such, there is no trained expert, in the CoN, to process information systematically.
Undeniably
well trained human resource and smooth line of communication are necessary to
be able work cooperatively with stakeholders, and transform conflicts towards
positive. The researcher had the
opportunity to see the CoN filing and information management systems and found
it poor and disorganized. However, effective conflict settlement
requires sufficient filing system i.e.
availabilities of information to be used as input for the purpose of case
investigation.
Moreover,
interview held with anonymous informant, portrayed “the Council of
Nationalities as tooth less dog in discharging its responsibilities” due to the
following reasons. First and foremost, the CoN does not have early warning
system. Secondly, there is no body assigned to collect information on behalf it
about the day to day activities goes on in the region. What it has been doing
so far, is forming committee(s) when cases presented to it. Most cases were
submitted to it after the conflicts escalated to violence[41].
3.3.
The Council Nationalities Intervention Systems
The intervention
mechanisms that the Council of
Nationalities takes to settle conflicts has conducted in manner that consider the context of the political, social and economic situation
of the conflicting parties[42]. The
first phase is conceptualization and diagnosis of the nature and
characteristics of conflicts, actors, history of the conflicts and efforts
being made to resolve conflicts so far. Following the mapping of conflicts,
discussion would be held with concerned government officials and security
institutions to decide on the intervention mechanisms[43].
Despite intervention mechanisms the CoN employed so
far were characterized by several misconceptions about its nature,
characteristics and dynamics of conflicts.
3.3.1.
Military Interventions in the Region
Interventions the CoN made so far have two
dimensions. Peace full reconciliation (for cases that are not violent by that
particular context) and fire brigade approach (military intervention). Given
the fact that it has not a command to administer security force, military
intervention carried out in collaboration with the
executive council of the region to contain violent conflicts.[44] But
military interventions made so far were not successful as some members of the
security forces sided with their respective ethnic groups[45]. There was such experience during the 2008 clash emerged between Konso
and Derashe,
in which some members of the South police special force took side and
intensified the conflict to the worst level[46]. The 1995 Sidama-Wolyta
conflict was contained through deploying security force. But it still remains
tense and has likelihood to erupt when there is triggering issues[47].
3.4.
Challenges of the Council of Nationalities (SNNPRS)
Challenges CoN has been facing are multifaceted.
Most of them emanated from shortage of budget, lack of skilled man power, lack
of good governance and absence of systematic strategies to deal with conflicts.
Furthermore, weak horizontal and vertical interaction, absence of clear
structure that takes to grass root population, confusion in clearly setting the
role of the Council and delay in handling have been the shortcomings of the CoN
so far[48].
3.4.1.
Lack
of Good Governance in the SNNPR
Tekle Deidu, figure out issues like structural
instability, low level of recognition of the traditional conflict resolution
system, misunderstanding between political parties and their role in conflict
resolution and aggravation, and lack of political will and commitment are some
of the visible features of mal-administration in the region[49]. Undoubtedly,
mal-administrations induce conflicts and instabilities. Such issues are not
unique to the CoN as many of conflict cases in the region are driven by bad
governance related problems; marginalization, deep rooted discrimination,
domination of ethnic groups over minorities. [50]
On the
other hands, Zelleke, claimed that absence of good governance has not been main
cause for conflicts in the region. The
people and local government officials’ misinterpretations of the new political
arrangement (ethnic based federal system) would rather be a driving force to
degenerate ethnic groups to conflicts.
3.4.2.
Financial
Constraints and Shortage of Skilled Manpower
Financial
constrain is a big quandary the Council of Nationalities encountered.
Government support, it could be both from federal and regional level, is not
sufficient. As a result, it faced stern of problems to deal entered cases in
place and it exposed to delay. At the moment, however, CoN budgetary problem is
not fully set on; partners like GiZ supports it both finance and material[51].
As it
has been said earlier, well trained human resource is the most important issue
for institutions working in the areas conflict management and resolutions. Hiring
staff members who are relevant to the fields highly determine successes and
failures of the institutions. In this
regard, the CoN, has no sufficient staffs members who are trained in field of
conflict studies and communication. For that matter, staffs who are working as
expert in the CoN are few (only two) in number. For the institution which established
supposedly to manage the ethnic relations of various ethnic (more than fifty
six) groups, having only two experts is not more than showing the existence of
nominal institutions. However, the regional government claimed staffs highly
qualified and pretty enough to coordinate the activities of the CoN[52].
3.4.3.
Absence
of Systematic Strategy to Deal and Handle Cases
Conflict handling is an
expensive and demanding task. As such, it requires institutions working in the
areas of peace and conflict to be patient, creative and methodical (Fisher,
2000). In the study areas, stakeholders (government agencies, practitioners and
religious groups) conceptualization of conflicts: nature, dynamics and
intervention mechanisms and the art to approach conflicting parities are not
systematically designed. Participants
of the resolution processes involved without having proper knowledge more or
less coincidentally, because they have neither the science nor the art of
conflict resolution. As a result, there is no integrated
and comprehensive approach to deal with conflict cases scientifically. As
different scholars noted the art and science of conflict resolution is not
something that end up over night.
Well
studied plan of actions and strategies in each steps of the resolution process
should be putted in place. Successful conflict
resolution strategies and practices require integration of both external and
local knowledge, transparent procedures, an accessible judicial system, and the
like (Tsegaye, 2008). With this regard, cases which their resolution
processes were carried by the CoN showed, once it involved in the resolution
process, it did not check out to transform it to the next level. As conflict is
a never ending social process, then things we learned from our experience is
very useful to handle other conflicts[53].
On top of that, most of conflict
resolution trends in the region witnessed that the processes is under sphere of
influence of the ruling party. Most of conflicts resolution processes were
concluded neither in way that empirical data showed nor based on rationales
presented.
Instead
top
leaders of the regional state decide on conflicting issues and the way it
resolved as per the command given by top leaders, middle and lower leaders
enforced to convince conflicting parties to accept the resolution. If both or
one of the conflicting parties refuse not to accept the resolution,
intimidation and torture would follow. Religious leaders and clan leaders
played marionette role to give the resolution processes legitimacy[54].
3.4.4.
Unlawful Horizontal and Vertical Intervention
In federations interdependence between the
federal government and constituent units has been a fact and both level of
governments needs to respect the powers each level exercises (Ronald, 2007). However, for any reason, sometimes disputes
may arise between the federal and regional governments. For instance, the two
levels of governments may experience disputes over divisions of powers and so forth.
For such circumstances, there has to be a constitutional mechanism to deal with
vertical conflicts.
In Ethiopia, the
FDRE constitution says nothing how to deal with vertical conflicts i.e. the
federal government versus regional state(s) conflicts (Kalkidan, 2009). In a similar vien, Tekele noted that
despite there is segregation of authorities between CoN and HoF in their
vertical relationship, practically in some cases HoF meddled on cases being
entertained by the CoN unconstitutionally. Gamo Gofa and Debub Omo conflict
over their border side, Arasaki, the resolution process can
be taken as best case to show the unconstitutional intervention of the HoF on the
CoN authority[55].
3.5.
Prospects
of the Council of Nationalities
The CoN adopted some
remarkable trends; working with different stake holders, design a strategy of
conflict resolution, researching the history, cultural practices and core
values of Nations and Nationalities and Peoples of the region and preparing
conflict analysis reader which includes the situation of each nation, nationality
and people of the region.[56].
3.5.1.
Preparing Strategy to Resolve Conflicts and
Conflict Analysis Reader
The
CoN has carried out assessment that shows the prevailing situation starting
from its establishment to 2007 so as to prepare a strategy for resolving and
managing conflicts. In the process to prepare a reader, government bodies,
civil society organizations and resource person were participated. Moreover,
discussions were held at different level to enrich and develop the document[57]. In similar a vein, interview held with Zeleke,
the regional Council of Nationalities has also delved into the community behavior:
the community thought, perception and cultural system has carried out.
Accordingly, a behavior of different Nations and Nationalities has recorded in
a file form so that the tasks of conflict management and dispute resolution
will not be longer difficult[58].
4.
Conclusion
The
Ethiopian federal system has been struggling to devise mechanisms to prevent
inter and intra-regional controversies. Because of the serious danger that
ethnic conflicts pose to multiethnic states, and the seemingly inevitable periodic
disputes arising among ethnically identified communities and so forth, together
obliged the federation to develop method of conflict resolution. In federation,
an organ or institution to resolve both vertical and horizontal disputes was
thought essential. Accordingly, the 1995 FDRE constitution established a
permanent institution, the House of Federation and Ministry of Federal Affairs,
for this purpose.
Recognizing the
inevitability of disputes among/ between the various nationalities, the SNNP regional
constitution also realized the establishment of the Council of Nationalities. The
drivers of ravaging conflicts in the region underpinned mainly by the political
surgery EPRDF used to create sub national governments. Some of the commonly
alluded causes are merging of diverse ethnic groups together; counter straggle
of ethnic groups to reserve their identity and self administrative status,
border issues, natural resource utilizations coupled with mal administrations.
In the endeavor to
fulfill its mandate, the CoN designed the following strategies of conflict
resolution. Accordingly, extending peace education, making all round
participation on conflict resolution tasks, creating suitable information
network and reducing damages were included. The CoN also endorsed mechanism of
intervention when ever violent conflict appeared under its authority. As such
peace full reconciliation and military interventions have been used to settle conflicts
burst. Quite understandably any conflict resolution institution faces challenge
in the effort to make peace happen. The absence of early warning system,
financial constraints, the absence skilled man power, poor information systems,
failure to utilize social agents and indigenous conflict resolution techniques
are among the challenges the CoN faced so far.
On the other
hands, there are a couple of things that are promising to the CoN. Just to
mention a few, working with various
institutions like GiZ and Dilla University, preparing trainings in conflict
prone areas, peace education using mass medias and mapping actual and potential
conflict cases in region. It has also
been working to reshape the societies’ understanding of conflicts. Given the
fact conflict is a social phenomenon; it would have positive synergy if
conflicting parties worked out cooperatively by understanding each other’s
concern and interests.
5.
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[1]
Asefa Fiseha, 2007
[3] Wubshet, 2015, argued the Amahara
ethnic identity has been constructed
based on the consent of constituent groups(Wollo, Gondare, Gojam,Shewa)
[4] Voice of America: Amharic Service,
Interview held with Prof, Beyene Petros (Opposition political leader) on
20/6/2017 edition.
[5] There was an attempt made by the government by merging four
languages together: Wolayita, Gamo, Gofa, and Dawro into a single language
called Wogagoda.
[6] See the EPRDF Political Program,
2005, p:1
[7]
For example the Oromo protest since 2015 and Amhara resistance since
2016
[8] For
example, Addis Ababa is a
federal city. But official identification requires ethnic identification,
although ethnicity is irrelevant in a federal city
[9]
First National Conference on
Federalism , conflict and peace building organized by Ministry of Federal
affair and German technical cooperation held on, May 5-6 , 2003 Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia
[10] Strategy for conflict resolution
in SNNPR (2011) prepared by the Council
of Nationalities
[11] Region 7 consisted Guraghe,
Hadiya, Kambata, Halaba and Yem
[12] Region 8 holds Sidama, Gedeokore,
Borji, and Gidicho
[13]Region includes Gamo Gofa, Dawro, Wolyta, Zayse, Ozyda, Konta,
Ale, Mosiye, Derashe, Mashole and Konso
[14] Region eight contains Male. Arsi,
Hammer, Bana, Tesemay, Dasench, Gnaygatom
[15] Incorporates Kafficho, Shakicho,
Bench, Nao, Chara, Dizi, Surma, Meinet, Sheko and Zilmam).[15]
[16] [16] Strategy for conflict
resolution in SNNPR (2011) prepared by
the CoN
[17]
The Revised Constitution of Southern Nations Nationalities Peoples Regional
state(2001)
[18]
The Revised Constitution of Southern Nations Nationalities Peoples Regional
state(2001)
[19] An interview held with Tekle Diedu: the former heads of conflict management and resolution division
in Council of Nationalities(2001-2008), November 11/04/2011, 4:37
[21] For exa,mple Guji-Sidama conflict,
Guji-Gedeo conflict, Guji-Burji conflict, Arsi –Halaba conflict e.t.c
[22]
An
interview held with Zelleke Belayneh
working in the Council of Nationalities; Nationality common values
promotion and dispute resolution core work process owner October, 24/2011
[23] An
interview held with Zelleke
Belayneh working in the Council of
Nationalities; Nationality common values promotion and dispute resolution core
work process owner October, 24/2011
[24]
ibid
[25] An interview held with Zelleke
Belayneh working in the Council of
Nationalities; Nationality common values promotion and dispute resolution core
work process owner October, 24/2011
[26] Article 39/4/ of the revised
constitution of southern nations nationalities and peoples regional state(2001)
[28] It is hoped that
the representation of all these nationalities, especially minorities, will
create harmony and peaceful relation among nationalities and strengthens the
unity of the regional state, which they inhabit. In addition to representation
role, the House promotes their identity, culture, history, and so forth.
[29] The essence of
representation of Nations, and Nationalities representation necessitated to not
be become Council of Nationalities as a means of restraining ‘the large
Nationalities from having improper advantage over the small ones’ interview
held with Lema Gezu, November, 2011
[30]
Ibid
[31] See Council of Nationalities,
Conflict Mapping document, 2011, P 42-46
[32] Strategy of conflict resolution of
the SNNPR, 2011 prepared by the Council of Nationalities
[33]
Ibid
[34]
An interview held with Zelleke Belayneh , whom working in Council of
Nationalities, as Nationality common values promotion and dispute core work
process on October 21,
2011
[35] An interview held with anonymous
informants on October 27, 2011
[36] Ibid
[37] An interview held with Zelleke
Belayneh , whom working in Council of Nationalities, as Nationality common
values promotion and dispute resolution core work process owner on
October 21, 2011
[38] An interview held with David
Fuechtjohann November, 27, 2011
[39] Conflict
Resolution and Negotiation Skills manual, prepared by International Network for Capacity
Building in Integrated Water Resources Management, 2008llj M2000anagement
[40] An interview held with Zelleke
Belayneh , whom working in Council of Nationalities, as Nationality common
values promotion and dispute resolution core work process on
October 21, 2011
[41]
An interview held with anonymous informants on October, 27, 2011
[42]
An interview held with Zelleke Belayneh , whom working in Council of
Nationalities, as Nationality common values promotion and dispute resolution
core work process on October 21,
2011
[43] Ibid
[44] An interview held with Zelleke
Belayneh , whom working in Council of Nationalities, as Nationality common
values promotion and dispute core work process
owner on October 21, 2011
[45] An interview held with Tekle Deidu
whom worked in CoN conflict management and resolution division (2001-2009) November
20, 2011
[46] An interview held with Anonymous
informant on November, 16, 2011
[47] An interview held with anonymous
informant on ,October , 29, 2011
[48] An interview held with Tekle Deidu
who worked in CoN conflict management and resolution division (2001-2009) November
20, 2011
[49] An interview held with Tekle Deidu
whom worked in CoN conflict management and resolution division (2001-2009) November
20, 2011
[50]
Ibid
[51]
An interview held with Zelleke Belayneh , whom working in Council of
Nationalities, as Nationality common values promotion and dispute core work
process on October 21,
2011
[52] Ibid
[53]
An interview held with Anonymous informants on October, 27,2011
[54] Ibid
[55]
Ibid
[56] An interview held with Zelleke
Belayneh , whom working in Council of Nationalities, as Nationality common
values promotion and dispute resolution
core work process owner on October 21,
2011
[57]
Strategy for conflict resolution prepared by council of nationalities(SNNPR),may
2011
[58]
Strategy for conflict resolution prepared by Council of Nationalities(SNNPR),may
2011