The massive population flow from rural to urban areas in post-reform China is the result of both institutional and structural changes caused by economic growth. In the planned economy, China had implemented a household registration system (hukou system), which is not a simple registration management, but a man-made institutional design to strictly control population migration and labor mobility both between rural and urban areas and across regions. The issuing of Regulations on Household Registration of People’s Republic of China in 1958 marked the beginning of the formal establishment of hukou system. Public security bureaus controlled place-to-place migration and it was almost impossible to make any rural-urban migration without authoritative plans or official agreement. Departments of labor and personnel administration controlled sectoral transfer of labor force. There was no free labor market at all.
Sustainable urbanisation in China

The design of hukou system was totally aimed to serve the priority strategy of heavy industrial development and speed up industrialization. In order to accomplish the original accumulation of capital, this system kept rural labor forces staying at agricultural sectors and limited the number of people enjoying low priced food, guaranteed non-agricultural employment and urban social welfares, including basic social security, subsidized public services (education, health care, transportation, and so on), and subsidized housing in urban areas.

Since the market-oriented reform, the control of labor mobility has been gradually relaxed. The introduction of Household Responsibility System (HRS) in early 1980s allowed farmers to claim their revenues based on their efforts, thus solving the long-standing incentive problems associated with the egalitarian compensation rules inherent in the commune system (Meng, 2000). At the same time, the price system of agricultural products was altered, which stimulated the increase in agricultural productivity, thus releasing surplus laborers from agriculture. The higher returns to labor in non-agricultural sectors motivated farmers to migrate out of agriculture (Cook, 1999), producing an increasing pressure to reform the hukou system. As the result of labor mobility from agricultural to non-agricultural sectors and from rural to urban areas, labor markets began to develop.
The gradual abolition of institutional obstacles has been the key to increase labor mobility since 1980s. In 1983, observing the diminishing capacity for absorbing surplus labor in rural sectors, the government began allowing farmers to engage in long distance transport and marketing of their products beyond local market places, the first time that Chinese farmers obtained the legal rights of doing business outside their hometowns. In 1984, regulations were further relaxed and farmers were encouraged by the state to work in nearby small towns where emerging TVEs demanded for labor. A major policy reform took place in 1988, when the central government allowed farmers to work in enterprises and/or run their own business in cities provided that they were self-sufficient in staple foods.

In the earlier 1990s, the central and local governments have adopted various measures to encourage labor mobility between rural and urban areas and among regions, gradually relaxing the hukou system. For example, cities of various scales have issued blue-stamp hukou identities to those who migrated to the cities and paid for certain amount of money (or invested in local business or bought expensive house in the cities). Despite the reluctance to implement these new regulations in some of larger cities, the central government did legitimize the hukou system reform as part of the marketization efforts. But this reform was retrenched in the late 1990s. A few of cities like Beijing, Shanghai and Wuhan had enacted employment protection policies and set up hundreds of industries and positions for laid-off and unemployed urban workers, in which rural migrants were not allowed to be hired. However, a new-round economic growth and export expansion has created more job opportunities, and even caused a local shortage of rural migrants in coastal areas since 2003 (Wang, et al., 2005), providing a loose employment environment for cities to further deepen the hukou system reform.

The gradual reform of the hukou system can be characterized as a bottom-up process since the beginning of the 21th century - that is, relaxation of hukou control started from small towns and gradually extended to medium-sized and big cities. The hukou reform in over 20 thousand small towns is characterized as “minimum conditions and complete opening-up”. After years of experiments in some regions, in 2001, the Ministry of Public Security initiated actions to reform hukou system in small towns. In most small towns the minimum requirement for obtaining local hukou is that the applicants have a stable source of income and a fixed place of residence in the locality. This is considered as a great and significant step in the hukou reform ever since the system was put into place in 1958. The hukou relaxation in some medium (even some large and provincial capital) sized cities is characterized as “abolishing quota and conditional entry”. Criteria for settling in those cities with hukou status have been substantially lowered. The easiest requirement in Shijiazhuang, the capital city of Hebei province, is to have a work contract with a term of more than two years. Cities implementing the reform include both those in coastal and inland regions. This approach to reforming hukou system meets the needs of maturing labour markets and conforms to the strategy of gradualism.
The hukou relaxation in mega cities like Beijing and Shanghai is characterized as “ raising the bar and opening the gate”. Those cities have turned on green lights for intellectuals and professionals, whereas imposing stricter conditions for ordinary migrant workers to come. In short, raising the bar means narrowing the door by imposing stricter standards. Comparatively, the hukou reform in those cities has not made much progress.
From the above three patterns of the hukou system reform, it is evident that cities and towns forcibly promote the reform because of the following two reasons: one is that urban hukou identity now is of little value. Governments promise neither job opportunities nor welfare that can be obtained by hukou. Consequently, the increase in urban population will not aggravate the financial burden on the governments. The other is that local economies have experienced or longed for benefits of reallocating resources by labor force inflow. But as to metropolises that haven’t achieved substantial progress in reform, that is not the case. Their hukou status is still valuable. Governments are obliged to ensure the residents benefits of re-employment services, all-around medical care provision, nice urban environment, and even lower grade for entrance to universities, and so on. Though being aware of the advantage of resource allocation by labor force inflow, they give priority to low unemployment rate and maintaining social stability. Therefore they are not motivated enough to push ahead with the reform.
As indicated by Figure 1, the desire and efforts are affected by the expected net marginal benefit (marginal revenue minus marginal cost, abbreviated as MR and MC) obtained by governments from reforming their hukou system. The comparison of marginal cost and revenue determines what kind of measures to be launched and how much effort to be made to carry them out. Usually with the further enforcement of reform measures and the strengthening of efforts, the marginal cost of reform tends to rise (e.g., increasing opposition from the vested interests), while the marginal revenue tends to go down (people benefited from the reform withdraw their support as their benefit decreases). Finally, efforts stop at the point where the marginal cost and revenue curves intersect (Point E0, Figure 1). In view of the time sequence of the reform and the comparison of different areas, the more developed the market is, the more is the marginal revenue, and the less is the marginal cost. As Figure 1 shows, with the marginal revenue line going up and the marginal cost line going down, the equilibrium points of efforts to reform vary among different backgrounds of market development. The more developed market needs and is able to endure further reform, as indicated by Point E1.
The primary motivation for urban development should be the cost reduction from the economy of scale. But the planned and market economies engender two distinct development models. Cities with the market economic system develop by self-financing. They can reduce the transaction costs by agglomeration, and their expansion lies in efficient investment. On the contrary, those inclined to the planned economy tend to develop by redistribution. Therefore, it is observable that cities at different stages of market development have different motivations and intentions, and different means of reform, and hence different results. Naturally, those with redistribution privileges tend to resist the reform and restrict migration, while cities that increasingly rely on self-financing as the market grows prefer labor force flow.
Spatial Pattern of Migration
Since 1990, income disparities and development gaps between eastern, central and western regions have widened. As a result, in 2004, Beijing, Tianjin, Hebei, Shanghai, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong accounted for 82.7 percent of total exports value of China and 45.2 percent of total jobs in manufacturing. At the same time, factors markets became more important forces in allocating capital and labor. The booming coastal regions have created more job opportunities and attracted massive flows of labor. Benefiting from early openness of their economies, the coastal provinces have taken the lead in the development of factors markets, which eliminates the institutional obstacles preventing factors of production from moving across regions, and have become major destinations of labor flows. Labor inflows in turn provide an important source of economic growth in these regions and improve their efficiency of labor allocation (Cai et al., 2002). By summarizing data from the 1987 and 1995 population sample surveys, and the 1990 and 2000 national censuses, Table 2 shows the changes in spatial patterns of migration. The share of intra-provincial migration has been higher than that of inter-provincial migration. When we consider the inter-provincial migration, it is more obvious that the eastern region is the prime destination for migrants.
From Table 2, we can see that in 2000, 64.4 percent of the inter-provincial migration in the eastern region happened within this region, while 84.3 percent of inter-provincial migrants from the central region and 68.3 percent from the western region moved to the eastern region. In terms of the time trend, the share of inter-provincial migration within the eastern region increased by nearly 15 percent, and the share of migration from central and western to eastern regions increased by nearly 24 percent.
Migration as a Driving Force of Urbanization
Population migration is an important contributing factor in the structural transformation and urbanization in the process of economic development. Prior to the reform and opening-up, however, the pace of urbanization in China was stagnant and even dropped during the 10-year Cultural Revolution (Figure 4). The relative decline of urban share in the total population can be attributed to the following two factors: one is that the enforcement of hukou system placed tight restrictions on rural-urban migration. The other is that the natural growth rate of rural population was much higher than that of urban population. Since the reform and opening up, China has dramatically picked its pace of urbanization.
From 1978 to 2004, the urban share in total population increased from 17.9 percent to 41.8 percent, with an average annual growth rate of 0.92 percentage points. During the same time period, the average growth rate of urban population stood at 4.4 percent, significantly higher than the natural growth rate of population in China, which dropped from 1.2 to 0.59 percent.
Generally speaking, urban population growth comes from three channels: natural growth of urban residents, rural-urban migration and spatial jurisdiction change. According to an empirical study conducted by Todaro (1984) on 29 developing countries, migration and spatial jurisdiction change account for 41.4 percent of urban population growth from 1960 to 1979. Assuming the growth of urban population comes from the growth of urban residents and rural-urban net migration, we can calculate the contribution of migration to urban growth in China. We use the number of urban population in 1977 as the baseline and decompose the annual increase of urban population into growth of urban residents and net migration based on the information of natural growth rates of urban population from 1978 to 1999, natural growth rates of total population from 2000 to 20041 and annual number of urban population. Figure 5 shows that rural-urban net migration accounted for nearly 70 percent of urban growth in 1980s and went up to more than 80 percent of urban growth since 1990s, indicating that migration is becoming the most important force of Chinese urbanization.
The acceleration of China’s urbanization since reform is virtually a remedy for the long time lagged development and structural deviation. Under the planned economy, the formation of cities in China emerged with a different path than those in market economy. Cities were designed as economic zones to serve the specific purpose of satisfying the priority strategy of heavy industrial development. Although economic reform dismantled the traditional planning system, dual economy and urban-biased policies persists, which hinders the simultaneous development of urbanization through industrialization. The man-made institutional segregation between rural and urban areas deprives rural migration of the choice of permanently settling down in urban areas, and leads to the unique characteristics of under-urbanization development in China. Au and Henderson (2002) adopted a production function method to model and estimate urban agglomeration economies and the optimal city size for 206 cities in China. They found that the constraints of hukou system on labor mobility have also resulted in sub-optimal size and under-agglomeration in Chinese cities, leading to significant economic welfare losses. The that incre sing a city at 50 percent below optimal size to its efficient size will raise output per worker by a simi majority of Chinese cities are potentially undersized-below the lower bound on the 95 percent confidence interval of the size where their output per workers peaks. Estimates show about 40 percent, indicating that the net benefits of clustering and agglomeration are considerable (World Bank, 2005). The findings from the structuralist approach proposed by Chenery and Syrquin (1975) reached the similar conclusion. Based on the 2002 World Bank data of 71 countries with a population of over 50 million, Figure 6 illustrates the deviation of China’s urbanization level from the predictive trends by two methods. The Chenery-Syrquin structuralist method (1975) regresses the share of urban population on the value of logarithm per capita GDP (PPP) and its squares and produces a linear trend of prediction. The non-parametric mean adjusted smooth method shows a S-shaped curve relationship between urbanization and the changes in income level. Both methods illustrate a similar dramatic change in the spatial distribution of population with the growth of per capita income. According to the prediction, urbanization in China is way off the general trend and is at the stage of acceleration.
Apart from raising urbanization level, migration also affects the structure of urban population. On one hand, migration brings about demographical structural changes in age, gender and education level and so on. On the other hand, migration reduces urban population dependency ratio. Those impacts produce accumulative effects and agglomeration for the development of urban economy.
Migration is selective. A number of studies show that rural migrant workers are primarily youths, with an average education level higher than those who choose not to migrate. Because of the restrictions of hukou system, few migrants move along with their families. Such selectivity of migration strongly affects urban population age structure. As shown in Figure 7, in late 1980s when small amount of rural migrants began to flow into urban areas, they had little impacts on the age structure of urban population in 1990. With the fast growing amount of rural-urban migration in 1990s, however, the impacts of migration on urban population age structure become very significant. In Figure 7, the age structure pyramid illustrates the age distributions of urban local residents on the left and migrants on the right, respectively. In 2000, migrants reduce urban dependency ratio by 2.5 percentage points and aging population ratio by 0.8 percentage points through filling up the gap of age groups between 13 and 33.

by Shashikant Nishant Sharma
Kudzayi Savious Tarisayi

The events that followed the Tokwe-Mukosi floods and the resultant displacements have been subjected to a multiplicity of analysis. The analysis has led to the emergency of an assortment of narratives ranging from the livelihoods perspective, internal displacement perspective, conspiracy perspective, political perspective and the legal perspective. This conceptual paper offers a consolidated analysis of these various perspectives on the Tokwe-Mukosi floods. This article is based on secondary data analysis on research by various scholars on the Tokwe_Mukosi floods and their impact. It concludes that displacements can be studied and analysed from various perspectives as revealed by the plethora of narratives on the Tokwe-Mukosi floods and subsequent displacements.
Key Words: Tokwe-Mukosi, livelihoods perspective, internal displacement perspective, conspiracy perspective, political perspective, legal perspective
1.0 Introduction
The discourse on internal displacement in general and the Tokwe Mukosi floods and subsequent relocations to Chingwizi has drawn attention from various scholars and resultantly a multiplicity of perspectives have emerged. Various and more often than not conflicting narratives have emerged analysing the Tokwe Mukosi floods and the eventual relocation to Chingwizi. The Tokwe Mukosi floods have been interrogated from the livelihoods perspective (Tarisayi, 2014; Mutangi & Mutari, 2014; Rusvingo, 2014); the legal perspective (Nyamafufu, 2014); the conspiracy perspective (Mugabe, 2014) and the political perspective (Tarisayi, 2015; Mtimba, 2014) as well as introduce the Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement (DIDR) perspective to the Tokwe-Mukosi phenomena.  Thus, this paper seeks to interrogate these various perspectives that have been proffered and come up with a consolidated narrative on the Tokwe Mukosi floods.
2.0 Background
Tokwe-Mukosi dam is in Masvingo Province at the boundary of Chivi and Masvingo Rural districts. In January-February 2014, Zimbabwe’s enormous Tokwe-Mukosi Dam basin flooded following higher than normal rains. Tarisayi (2014:02) states, “The heavy rains and subsequent floods adversely affected twelve villages, explicitly Chekai, Jahwa, Zifunzi, Mharadzano, Chkandigwa and Vhomo in Nemauzhe communal lands; and Tagwirei, Ndove, Matandizvo, Chikosi, Mashenjere and Nongera in Neruvanga communal lands”.The Tokwe Mukosi floods were declared a national disaster by the President of Zimbabwe, His Excelency Robert Mugabe in February 2014. Human Rights Watch (2015:01) states, “President Robert Mugabe immediately declared the floods a national disaster and appealed to the international community for US$20 million to help relocate and provide humanitarian assistance to those affected”. The victims of the 20 000 Tokwe Mukosi floods were relocated by the Zimbabwe National Army and the Civil Protection Unit (CPU) to Chingwizi in Mwenezi district.

2.0 Emerging Perspectives
2.1 The Livelihoods Perspective
The main perspective that has been most pursued in relation to the Tokwe Mukosi floods pertains to the implications of the floods on the livelihoods of the internally displaced people. Jayaratney (2007) vies livelihoods as entailing basically the capabilities, assets and activities required for living. Livelihoods can be classified in terms of individual and community; individual livelihoods include jobs, works or sources of income, activities that provide income to live on (such as farming; fishing and trading) (Jayaratney, 2007). While, Scoones (1998) avers that livelihoods can be exposed to various stresses, risks and shocks such as drought which can increase vulnerability context of livelihoods. It follows that the livelihoods of the internally displaced people relocated at Chingwiza have been exposed to the shock of floods which has led to their vulnerability.
The livelihoods perspective reveals that the livelihoods of the people of the Tokwe Mukosi were adversely affected by the floods (Tarisayi, 2014; Rusvingo, 2014; Mutangi & Mutari, 2014). Among the livelihoods that were affected include subsistence farming, market gardening, art and craft as well as petty trade. Thus literature reveals that while most livelihoods were affected negatively remittances have actually increased as the people of Tokwe-Mukosi have increasingly become dependent on external support for sustenance. Hence, it can be concluded within the livelihoods perspective that the livelihoods of the people were negatively implicated. However, it can be revealed that the livelihoods perspective falls short of exposing the effects of the losses incurred during the course of relocation.
2.2 Internal Displacement Perspective
The other alternative perspective to the Tokwe-Mukosi floods and subsequent relocation to Chingwizi is the internal displacement perspective. The construction of dams has led to involuntary displacement and resettlement of an estimated 40 to 80 million people across the world (Robinson, 2003). The floods in February 2014 in Tokwe Mukosi resulted in about 20 000 people being displaced from their homes ((Nyamafufu, 2014). An internally displaced persons (IDP) according to the Kampala Convention is a person forced to flee or to leave their homes/ place of residence (Iwabukuna, 2011). Thus according people displaced by the Tokwe-Mukosi floods can be classified as IDPs. Internal displacement does not occur as a result of individual ‘choice per se and constitutes a situation of non-freedom (in terms of agency and opportunity as IDPs have “been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes”) (UNOCHA, 2004:01).
Cernea (1997; 2003) point out that DIDR negatively impacts on the living standards and livelihood outcomes of displaced communities. In addition, it can be revealed within this perspective that the most vulnerable in society such as the disabled, the elderly and children are the most affected by DIDR leading to their impoverishment (Cernea, 2003). While, Maldonado (2003) argues that effects of forced displacement are not confined to just the physical relocation of people, it also impacts on people’s lives economically, physically, culturally and socially leading to their impoverishment. Therefore, it can be reasoned within this perspective that DIDR due to the construction of the Tokwe-Mukosi dam has had wide ranging impacts, cutting across all spheres of life of the people. Robinson (2003:06) states, “Impoverishment and disempowerment have rather been the rule than the exception with resettled people due to development projects”. This observation can be utilised to explain the impoverishment and disempowerment incurred by the people of Tokwe-Mukosi due to their displacement.
Michael Cernea constructed a model, known as the Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) model to analyse the effects of involuntary displacement that came as a result of major development projects (Robinson, 2003). Cernea’s model proposes that “the onset of impoverishment can be represented through a model of eight interlinked potential risks to displacement” (Cernea, 2003). These are landlessness, homelessness, marginalisation, food insecurity, increased morbidity and mortality, loss of access to common property and social disintegration. In addition, as asserted by Cernea (as cited in Turton, 2009:29), “some people enjoy the gains of development, while others bear its pains”. Hence, while communities around Tokwe-Mukosi dam and investors are going to enjoy the gains of the construction of the dam, the IDPs are bearing the pains due to displacement. Thus, based on Cernea’s model it can be revealed that the people of Tokwe-Mukosi have been impact in the eight dimensions due to the displacement.
2.3 The Legal Perspective
Another emerging narrative on the Tokwe-Mukosi floods can be reffered to as the legal perspective. The legal perspective seeks to interrogate the Tokwe-Mukosi phenomena through an assessment of Zimbabwe’s adherence to various international conventions such as the African Union’s Convention on the protection and assistance of internally displaced persons on the protection and assistance of internally displaced persons. Adebe (2011) avers that the African Convention on the protection and assistance of internally displaced persons also known as the Kampala Convention, due to an increase in the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Africa. Giustiniani (2012) puts the number of IDPs around the world at 26 million of which 11 million in Africa.
Within the legal perspective, Nyamafufu (2014) reveals that the Government of Zimbabwe (GoZ) managed to adhere to some of the principles of the Kampala Convention such as Article 9 (2) (d) on the movement of IDPs to safe areas and the provision of basic services that include schools and health facilities for people at Chingwizi. While it is worth noting that the government has adhered to the Kampala Convention in as far as provision of basic services these can be argued to fall short of the requirements. The schools that have been provided at Chingwizi are makeshift and thus do not meet the minimum requirements as espoused by the Kampala Convention.
In addition, the legal perspective also interrogates Zimbabwe’s adherence to Article 12 (2) of the Kampala Convention. Article 12 (2) of the Kampala Convention stipulates that state parties should establish an effective legal framework to provide just and fair compensation and other reparations due to IDPs. Rusvingo (2014) buttresses the legal by bringing to the fore that compensation for the affected households in Tokwe Mukosi was not adequate and fair and moreso was not received by a majority of households. Furthermore, the government can also be critiqued for failing to adhere to Article 9 (2) (c) of the Kampala Convention which stipulates that state parties should provide for special protection and assistance to the elderly, the disabled, people living with HIV and AIDS, expecting mother and vulnerable groups (Human Rights Commission, 2014). Hence, it can be argued that the government did not fully adhere to Article 9 (2) (c) as revealed by a study carried out by Tarisayi (2014) on the ramifications of the Tokwe Mukosi floods on disabled women. Thus, it can be concluded with the legal perspective to the Tokwe Mukosi floods that the government did not fully adhere to the Kampala Convention to a larger extent.
2.4 The Conspiracy Perspective
The other perspective to the Tokwe-Mukosi floods which is proving to be controversial is what can be termed the conspiracy perspective. Brotherton (2013:12) avers, “In terms of the context in which conspiracy theories exist, a conspiracy theory is an unverified and sensationalistic claim of conspiracy which contradicts a more plausible account”. The conspiracy perspective argues that the Tokwe-Mukosi were largely a man-made disaster. Mugabe (2014) argues that the government failed to heed the warning by engineers as it intended to cut corners in the construction of the Tokwe-Mukosi dam. In addition, the conspiracy perspective postulates that the dam was not supposed to fill-up in 2014 as the compacted rock-fill had not been lined with concrete face seal to make it water tight and it only filled up due to the insufficiency of the river diversion capacity (Mugabe, 2014). Thus, government’s failure to heed the advice of experts has been revealed by the conspiracy perspective.
In addition, within the conspiracy perspective it can be argued that the government was also complicit in not adequately planning the relocation of the people of Tokwe Mukosi. Oxfam (2014:03) states, “the Zimbabwean government was fully aware of the need for relocation of the 6393 households had chosen Mwenezi district as the relocation place at Chingwizi, Chisase and Masungula lands”. In addition, the Ministry of Lands can also be critiqued for failing to plan development of the relocation site and this was compounded by delay in the processing of compensation of the affected households (Oxfam, 2014:03).
The conspiracy perspective gained currency in the apparent privatization of a national problem. Despite the President’s declaration of the Tokwe-Mukosi floods a national disaster, the private media and some non-state players were denied coverage and access to the victims. Takavarasha (n.d:06) government officials privatised this national problem by banning the private media from covering the national disaster. Takavarasha (n.d:07) further reveals that the government denied a catholic group’s request to film victims at Chingwizi transit camp. Hence, the conspiracy perspective argues if the government was neither complicit nor had nothing to hide then why did it ban media coverage.
2.5 Political Perspective
Another equally controversial perspective to the Tokwe Mukosi floods has also been submitted as a political perspective to the Tokwe Mukosi discourse. According to the political perspective, the plight of the people of Tokwe-Mukosi has largely been high jacked by political and anti-government forces bent on tarnishing the government’s image. The violence which erupted at Chingwizi, culminating in the burning of the Police Post and two police vehicles (Tarisayi, 2015) have been used to buttress the political perspective. Another variant dimension to the political perspective has also been forwarded by pro-government element arguing that the activism and militancy at Chingwizi were a product of political guidance and funding of opposition parties and figures. Thus, the government responded by blocking movement in and out of the camp, journalists were also forbidden from entering the camp as well as the launch of a joint police and army revenge blitz. Mtimba (2014) reveals that police and army personnel armed with AK 47 assault rifles left thousands without shelter, several wounded and over 300 flood victims arrested in the indiscriminate operation. Furthermore, the political perspective is buttressed by the submission by Charamba quoted by Zhangazha (2015), “the victims of the Tokwe Mukosi floods, like in the past have been confrontational to government, made unreasonable demands and allowed politicisation of their situation. They should be careful that they end up being another political football”. Thus, it can be revealed through this perspective that the plight of the victims of the Tokwe-Mukosi floods were manipulated for mileage by NGOs and political interests. This position is aptly buttressed by this researcher’s observation that one year after the disaster the vocal and advocacy NGOs and political interests have forsaken the victims. Hence, it can be argued that the militancy revealed by the burning of a police post and police vehicles as well as the disappearance of political interests which were purportedly advocating for the Tokwe Mukosi victims give eradicating to the political narrative to the Tokwe Mukosi discourse.
2.6 Conclusion
From the foregoing analysis it can be concluded that varying narratives have been proffered on the Tokwe Mukosi floods. Scholars, government and NGOs have pursued often conflicting narratives thus the lack the lack of consensus. Hence, it has been revealed by this paper that various perspectives can be utilised to interrogate any phenomenon in general and the Tokwe-Mukosi floods in particular.
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Kudzayi S. Tarisayi

This paper utilizes French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s conceptualization of social capital to interrogate the social capital of the Tokwe-Mukosi flood survivors relocated at Chingwizi transit camp in Mwenezi, Zimbabwe. The Tokwe-Mukosi floods and the subsequent relocation of flood victims to Chingwizi, Chisase and Masangula have been widely covered in journalistic reports and recently in scholarly studies. However, most research on floods around the world in general and the Tokwe-Mukosi floods in particular focusses on property loss, livelihoods implications, human rights issues and government assistance to flood victims or lack thereof. Thus, there is an apparent research gap on the sociological perspective to the implications of flooding on communities. This present study utilizes a case study approach and purposive sampling to bring to the fore the social capital implications of forced relations of the Tokwe-Mukosi flood victims. The study concludes that social capital at Chingwizi transit camp was negatively affected at the individual level but at the community level here was an apparent increase in social capital.
Key words: Social capital, floods, Chingwizi transit camp, Tokwe-Mukosi, Zimbabwe.
This paper interrogates the social capital of the Tokwe-Mukosi flood survivors relocated at Chingwizi transit camp in Mwenezi, Zimbabwe. The Tokwe-Mukosi floods and the subsequent relocation of flood victims to Chingwizi, Chisase and Masangula have been widely covered in journalistic reports and recently in scholarly studies. However, most research on floods around the world in general and the Tokwe-Mukosi floods in particular focusses on property losses, livelihoods implications, human rights issues and government assistance to flood victims or lack thereof. Thus, there is an apparent dearth in literature on the sociological perspective to the implications of flooding on communities. A study by Tarisayi (2014) reveals that the Tokwe-Mukosi floods adversely affected twelve villages in Masvingo province, specifically Chekai, Jahwa, Zifunzi, Mharadzano, Chkandigwa and Vhomo in Nemauzhe communal lands; and Tagwirei, Ndove, Matandizvo, Chikosi, Mashenjere and Nongera in Neruvanga communal lands. The affected villagers were subsequently relocated to Chingwizi, Chisase and Masangula by the government. An analysis of contemporary literature reveals that other perspectives to the Tokwe-Mukosi floods have been proffered. However, researchers have not explored the social capital perspective of flood victims in general and of the Tolwe-Mukosi flood victims in particular. Bourdieu (1986:244) reasons, “It is in fact impossible to account for the structure and functioning of the social world unless one reintroduces capital in all its forms and not solely in the one form recognized by economic theory”. Thus, to get a complete depiction of the Tokwe-Mukosi flood victims it is imperative that other forms of capital be reintroduced to the discourse. These capitals include are not confined to economic capital but include social capital and natural capital. Hence, this paper deviates from the economic theory and incorporates the social capital perspective into the debate on the implications of the Tokwe-Mukosi floods and the subsequent relocation of victims.
Chingwizi Transit Camp
Chingwizi transit camp was located in Mwenezi district, Masvingo province in Zimbabwe. Chakanyuka (2014) states that more than 3000 families were relocated to Chingwizi transit camp about 200 km South-East of Masvingo town in early February 2014 after they were displaced by floods. The transit camp was created to temporarily accommodate families affected by the floods while permanent resettlement plots were being arranged by the government. According to the District Administrator for Mwenezi district the population at the camp increased from the initially expected 2, 514 households to about 3, 338 households. (OCHA Zimbabwe, 2014).
Social Capital
This study is guided by the social capital theory as propounded by Pierre Bourdieu, Coleman and Putnam. Various perspective to the interrogation of the concept of social capital have been availed in different disciplines. This study traces the concept to the work of Pierre Bourdieu, contributions by James Coleman and Robert Putnam. The original theoretical development of the concept was by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1980) but contributions by American sociologist James Coleman (1993) and later on Robert Putnam (1993) expanded the concept. Putnam (2002) argues that one of the strengths of the social capital concept is its use in the fields of economics, public health, urban planning, criminology, architecture, and social psychology, other than political science and sociology where it originated. Therefore, due to its wide usage in different fields diverse conceptualizations are bound to reveal themselves to a greater extent. A comparative exploration reveals that there is no apparent consensus on the definition of social capital. Bourdieu (1985:248) defines the concept as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition”. Consequently, it follows according to this definition that people build and invest in relations for the benefits that they would bring later in their lives. Therefore, in Bourdieu’s conceptualization social capital, economic capital and natural capital are all part of the social order.
Another perspective is submitted by Coleman who defines social capital as:
“the set of resources that inhere in family relations and in community social organisations and that are useful of the cognitive or social development of a child or young person. These resources differ for different persons and can constitute an important advantage for children and adolescents in the development of their human capital” (Coleman 1994: 300).
This conceptualization according to Coleman’s submission entails that social capital is important as a resource not only to acquire status or credentials (as seen by Bourdieu), but also in the enhancement of people’s human capital. Thus, for Coleman, this is facilitated within the family and as such the family becomes the “archetypal cradle of social capital” (Field 2008: 29). In addition, community ties are significant for the benefits they yielded to individuals according to Coleman.
Another perspective to social capital is proffered by Robert D. Putnam in his publication: ‘Bowling Alone’. Putnam (2000:19) defines social capital as the “connections among individuals – social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them”. According to Putnam (2000), social capital includes bonding capital and bridging capital. “Bonding occurs when you are socializing with people who are like you; same age, same race, same religion and so on. Bridging is what you do when you make friends with people who are not like you”. Thus, Putnam elaborates that there are two forms of social capital, which are bonding and bridging social capital. In addition, Putnam (1995) avails a conceptual expansion of social capital by widening the unit of analysis from the individual, as espoused by Bourdieu and Coleman, to the whole community and country. Therefore according to Putnam (1995) the whole community also possessed social capital. Hence, this study adopts two units of analysis, namely the individual as championed by Bourdieu and Coleman as well as the community as expatiated by Putnam.
Portes (1998:03) states, “the consensus is growing in the literature that social capital stands for the ability of actors to secure benefits by virtue of memberships in social networks or other social structures”. Whereas, a simply definition is proclaimed by Fukuyama (1999:16), “Social capital can be defined simply as a set of informal values or norms shared among members of a group that permit cooperation among them”. Whereas, Bankston and Zhou (2002:287) state, “Social capital is a ‘metaphorical construction’ which does not consist of resources that are held by individuals or by groups but of processes of social interaction leading to constructive outcomes”. Thus, this therefore reveals a controversy in whether social capital is a process or resource like other capitals such as financial or human capital. This controversy emanates from the use of the word ‘capital’ in social capital which usually denotes a quantifiable resource. Bankston and Zhou (2002:286) further argue that social capital is not quantifiable and hence availing a difference between social capital and human capital or financial capital.
Research Methodology
The researcher utilized a case study of Chingwizi transit camp in Mwenezi to get an in-depth understanding of the implications of relocations on the social capital of the victims. Yin (2003:13) states that the case study investigates a “contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, addresses a situation in which the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident, and uses multiple sources of evidence”. The researcher chose the case study method since it involves the collection of very extensive data in order to produce an in-depth understanding of the entity being studied (Borg and Gall, 1989:402).  This study was principally qualitative in nature and rooted in the interpretive paradigm and thus employed semi-structured in-depth interviews and questionnaires as the fundamental data collection techniques.  In addition, these questions in the interviews and questionnaires were mainly adapted from the World Bank Social Capital Initiative Measuring Social Capital: An integrated questionnaire (Grootaert et al, 2004). Therefore, the researcher probed questions in areas acknowledged by the Measuring Social Capital: An integrated questionnaire which are namely; groups and networks, solidarity and trust, conflict and violence, collective action and cooperation, social cohesion and inclusion and lastly empowerment and political action. The respondents were purposively selected as the researcher identified information-rich cases (Johnson and Christensen, 2000).
Presentation and Discussion of Findings
Trust and Reciprocity among Chingwizi transit camp residents
The study revealed that there was lack of trust and reciprocity amongst the relocated Tokwe-Mukosi flood victims relocated at Chingwizi. The respondents revealed that they could not trust their neighbours by lending money among other assets. Due to the uncertainties that engulfed the transit camp the residents argued that they did not know for sure about their future and therefore could not invest in networks. One respondent argued, “My neighbours cannot pay me back, because they don’t even have a roof over their heads”.  Thus, therefore, it can be argued that there was low social capital amongst the flood victims at Chingwizi as revealed by this study. In addition, the lack of trust can be argued to have emanated from lack of security for any borrowings or landings among the Tokwe-Mukosi flood victims. This finding concurs with Barr (2003) who observed that there was lack of trust in artificial communities (resettled communities) as compared to traditional communities. Thus, it can therefore be argued that Chingwizi transit camp aptly provides an example of an artificial community where there is lack of trust. While, Alesina and La Ferrara (2002) states that post traumatic events correlate negatively with trust levels among the victims. The residents of Chingwizi transit camp were traumatised by the floods that adversely affected their homes in the Tokwe-Mukosi basin and the challenges encountered in the subsequent relocations. Hence, these traumatic experiences impacted negatively on their trust and reciprocity amongst themselves.
Lack of trust for the government
The respondents revealed that they did not trust the government and government workers. There was general consensus among the respondents that the government had not adequately considered their plight from the period of the construction of the Tokwe-Mukosi dam, during the floods and the consequent relocations. Mutangi and Mutari (2014) argues that the displacement of communities led to negative perceptions towards the construction of the dam. Thus, even prior to the floods the affected communities which were supposed to be beneficiaries of the development expected from the Tokwe-Mukosi dam already lacked trust for the government. Ultimately, the victims of the Tokwe-Mukosi floods relocated at Chingwizi lacked trust for government institutions as they felt there was poor planning and lack of consideration for their welfare. This scenario was further compounded by allegations of sexual abuse of women and girls by government employees. Thus, the respondents’ revealed mistrust of the government can be explained by the allegation of abuse of women and girls by government workers and ZRP officers. This research finding is reiterated by Mtimba (2014:01) who states, “Flood victims at Chingwizi holding camp have accused government workers and Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) officers in charge of distributing aid of demanding sex from females in exchange for food and other commodities”. Thus, it can be argued that poor planning and allegations of abuse of women and girls adversely impacted on the social capital of the Chingwizi residents as there revealed a lack of trust for government.
Political Action
This study revealed that there was an increase in political and civic activism among the Tokwe-Mukosi flood victims relocated at Chingwizi. The adverse conditions and unfulfilled promises by the government have availed a fertile ground for political and often militant action by the residents of Chingwizi transit camp. Due to the respondents’ perceived government efforts or lack thereof, the residents have evidently united against government efforts to relocate them to permanent resettlement plots without compensation and the promised five hectares of land. Chitagu (2014) reports that ten ministers were chased away and heckled by the people at Chingwizi transit camp. While in August 2014 anti-riot police officers were disarmed and had two of their trucks burnt as they fled the scene[1]. Thus, it can be argued that the respondents revealed that they were forced by their plight to unite and take collective action against the government officials and police. Hence, this study reveals that this civic activism although rather militant is but indeed a form of community social capital for the Chingwizi transit camp. Despite, their exposed lack of trust and reciprocity among themselves, the Tokwe-Mukosi flood victims have united in their resistance and engagement of the government.
The paper concluded that the relocation of the Tokwe-Mukosi flood victims at Chingwizi affected their social capital differently as individual and as a community. The researcher concludes that the social capital at the individual level was affected negatively as it was revealed that there was lack of trust and reciprocity amongst the residents at Chingwizi transit camp. Whereas, at the community level the social capital was evidently positively affected by the dire conditions at the camp and allegations of abuse of women and girls. The villagers managed to unite and communicate their grievances to the government, although this resulted in violence but this was evidently an indication of the level of community social capital.
Alesina, A and La Ferrara, E (2002) Who trusts others? Journal of Public Economics, 85 (2) pp 207-234
Bankston III, C.L and Zhou, M (2002) Social Capital as process: The meanings and problems of a theoretical metaphor. Sociological Inquiry, Vol 72, Number 2, Spring, pp 285-317
Barr, A (2003) Trust and expected trustworthiness: Experimental evidence from Zimbabwe villages. The Economic Journal 113, pp 614-630
Bourdieu, P. (1985). The levels of Social Capital. In J.E. Richardson (ed.), Handbook of theory of research for the sociology of education: 241-258. New York: Greenwood Press
Bourdieu, P. (1986) The Forms of Capital in J.G. Richardson (Ed) Handbook of Theory and Research in the Sociology of Education, New York: Greenwald Press.
Chitagu, T (2014) Ministers see Hell. The Southern Eye. 11 May 2014
Coleman, J. S. (1988) Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital. The American Journal of Sociology, 94, Supplement: Organizations and Institutions: Sociological and Economic Approaches to the Analysis of Social Structure. S95-S120.
Figuera, M; Kincaid, D; Rani, M and Lewis, G (2003) Communication for social change: An integrated model for the process and its outcomes. John Hopkins University’s Centre for communication Programs for the Rockerfeller Foundation Working Paper Series Number 1
Freuchte, K (2011) Extension Extra, SDSU, College of Agriculture and Biological Science. http://pubstorage.sdstate.edu/AgBio_Publications/articles/ExEx16009.pdf
Fukuyama, F (1995) Trust: Social Virtues and the creation of prosperity. New York. Free Press
Grootaert, C, Narayan, D, Jones, V. N and Woolcock, M (2004) Measuring Social Capital: An Integrated Questionnaire. World Bank Working Paper Number 18. Washington DC: World Bank
Mtimba, G (2014) Sex for for at Chingwizi Camp, Daily News, 02 April, 2014
Mutangi, G.T and Mutari, W (2014) Socio-cultural implications and livelihoods: Displacement of the moved communities as a result of the construction of the Tokwe-Mukosi Dam, Masvingo. Greener Journal of Social Sciences, Vol 4 (2) pp 071-077
 OCHA, Zimbabwe (2014) Zimbabwe: Floods. Situation report Number 4 (7 March, 2014), OCHA, Zimbabwe
Portes, A. (1998) Social Capital: Its Origins and Applications in Modern Sociology. Annual Review of Sociology, 24(1), 1-24
Putnam, R. (2000) Bowling Alone - The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon and Schuster.
Tarisayi, K.S (2014) Ramifications of flooding on livelihoods: a case of two communal areas in Chivi district in Zimbabwe. The International Journal of Humanities and Social Studies (Online) 2 (2). Pp 165-167. Available: www.theijhss.com
Yin, R.K. (2013) Applications of Case Study Research. Applied Social Research Methods Series, 34. London: Sage Publications
[1] The disturbances were only quelled by the intervention of army.

Vimala Kruthi
Dr. P. Raja Babu

Investment is a form of an asset made by the individuals and organizations with a view of getting some return from it. Fame, (1981) and Barro, (1989) stated that the return on investment can rationalize a positive relation between investment and stock market prices.It is a source of finance through which everyone wants to earn optimum returns. People are much interested to invest their funds in the stock market to enjoy the maximum returns from their funds. Investment is never only being asset it is also a security for individual and organization protects against the risk situations. Depending upon the company and its financial strength investors speculate their shares in the market and earn higher returns in a short span of time. A strong financial position of a company in the stock market certainly will have a huge demand of their shares and affects towards market capitalization. Tobin, (1969) Tobin (1969) stated that investment in securities relates market capitalization and it has been influencing towards cost of new capital
 The main objective to present this paper is to analyse equity market capitalization during the period of 2001-2015, to examine the trading fluctuations in equity stock for 2001-2015, to identify the unfair trade practices in the secondary market and to give appropriate suggestions for effective functioning of stock market in India.
Key words: Investment, securities, stock market
Stock market is a place where investors generally trade shares in any listed company. Speculating is a trading activity and it is related to secondary market. These days with the active participation of the internet and the trading of shares in the stock market has been much easier than before. In India, there are two significant stock exchanges viz., BSE and NSE are trading their listed shares.These stock exchanges are operated as per SEBI (Security Exchange Board of India) regulations. Any act enacted by SEBI should be implemented in these two stock exchanges.
SEBI is a apex body which was established to safeguard the best interest of the investor and to protect them from the speculative gamblers. Any company to trade its shares must compulsorily listed in the stock market.
Generally, different types of securities have been trading in the stock market. Some have fixed returns like debentures and preference shares and ther securities are fluctuating returns. Generally the holders of equity are called as owners. They have the right to question management activities as they need to bear the loss. Unlike any other share they don’t have any fixed return. The stock market is called as capital market in which investment made forms capital structure of a company. These shares are treated as liabilities because a company has the burden of repaying back to the investor after a certain period of time. Hence, they have always displayed under liabilities on a company’s balance sheet.
            Generally, when a company needs of funds for their operations or investing activities. Actual capital requirement of the company is divided into convenient part in which each part is called as share. The person who holds a small part is called a shareholder. The share can also be termed as stock. The only difference between share and stock, share implies the single or a certain number shares in the company whereas stock implies the whole number of shares that we acquire in such company.
            Investors can easily earn profits by investing their wealth in highly financial sounded company and can lose in the same extent for any wrong decisions. As a  investor cannot always rely and trust the traders trading in the stock exchange sometimes they may implement gambling techniques for their benefits. Investing in the stock market also brings huge losses so there is no guarantee of earning profits as the prices of securities are never constant. Depending upon the company’s financial strength and strategies the market value of such shares are fluctuating in the stock market.
The stock market has been in existence for the past several decades and trading tool. Many authors and writers quoted several definitions about shares and stock market. Tobin, (1969) in his literature mentioned that “investment increases when prospective returns from such investments are high”. A prudent man always wants to have optimum profits for the rupee he invested, so he/she only makes investment when he feels the returns from such investment are extremely good. Hayashi, (1982) stated that the distinction between average and marginal returns cause difficulty in empirical implementation theory as price moves in one direction and returns from such prices goes in another direction. In other words, as prices and returns are inversely related to each other.
The established empirical review (derived from the results of von Fursten Berg, (1977) Clark, (1979) Summers, (1981) the market value of any capital or security is constant only for a certain period of time. The returns which we obtained from shares are never similar all the time in the market. When compared to the other factors the market value becomes disappear. Here other factors include financial strength and strategies of a company.
 According to the concept of security by David A Baldwin the investment in securities are useful in at least three ways: (i) It provides instant returns, (ii) It helps to compare with other securities, (iii) It provides scholarly communications.
            Generally people purchase their shares in the stock market or option market. From past few years, it is noticed that security trading in option market is an average of 17%, this came from considering 60 firms shares in the market for last 5 years. Same as the security market, prices of securities in option market also fluctuate depending upon the marketing condition and company position the only difference in the stock market and option market is the buyers have right to buy but not obligated.
              Shallu, (2014) pointed that every successful trader in the stock market will follow ethical ways to hack stock market to earn money. Major shareholders and managing directors manipulate the share prices by managing huge funds from banks and financial institutions.
The following objectives of the study are given below
  • To analyse equity market capitalization of BSE during the period of 2001-2015.
  • To examine the trading fluctuation in the stock market and the investor can understand how far it is profitable to invest in shares.
  • To identify unfair trade practices and to provide appropriate suggestions for the effective functioning of the stock exchange
Table: 1 presents the information on trends in Indian stock market during the period of 2001-2015. From the analysis, it is found that there were tremendous fluctuations in the Indian stock market. Sometimes there were more purchases and other times it is sales form high place. Usually when expected future market values of listed companies are in growing such shares have been purchased and when the shares down trend that shares have sold during the period. It is observed that for the period 2007-2009 the bearish market is more than bullish market.  From the above table we can notice that BSE contribution 88.8% stock trading in all India equity market. This can be easily understood with the help following graphical presentation.
                        It is identified that there were many fluctuations in share prices, growth and dividend yield. The analyst felt that the major reasons for the downfall was due to increase the prices of commodities. There were many loopholes in trading process which leads to increases the prices of stocks. SEBI made several attempts to control unfair trade practice in the stock market even though it was failed. Traders take advantage of market loopholes are one of the most common traits among the highest achievers in trading stock. This article mentions some of the common loop holes in stock exchanges.
  • False information provided by the stock brokers to investors that ruins their funds.
  • Big companies may always have the option of the ruling market by influencing the stock prices in the trading market where as small companies are lowering the position in the Indian stock market.
  • Investors cannot find fair value (intrinsic) of share as they are very poor knowledge in calculating its market value.
  • No stock broker or trader follows unique technique for finding market value.
  • Brokers and intermediaries may provide false invoice which has no original value in the market.
The Stock market is considered as most suitable investment for the common people as they can invest their money in the diversified managed portfolio at relatively low cost. These are operated by the rules of SEBI though it kept great efforts to provide transparency in trading process it doesn’t reach that mark. It is, therefore, investors should be careful before getting into investment in the stock market. It would be better to follow a unique technique for the valuation of stocks and it makes easy to investor to find the fair value of shares.
  • Barro,r.j,1989, “The stock market and macro economy: Implications of the October 1987 crash”, in R.W. Kormendi, and J.W.H.Watson, Black Monday and the future of financial markets, Dow Jones Irvin, Homewood,Ill.
  • H. Summers,1981, ”Taxation and corporate investment: A theory approach”, Brookings paper on economic activities.
  • K. Clark 1979,”Investment in 1970’s theory, performance, and prediction”, Brookings paper on economic activity.
  • F. Fame, 1981,”Stock returns, real activity, inflation and money”, American Economic Review.
  • Hayashi, 1982, “Tobins marginal q and average q:A neoclassical interpretation”, econometrica.
  • Tobin, 1969, “ A general equilibrium approach to monetary theory” , Journal of Money, Credit and Banking.
  • M. Von Fursten Berg, 1977, “Corporate Investment : Does market Valuation matter in the Agreements?”, Brookings paper in the economic activity.
  • http://www.bseindia.com/markets/keystatics/Keystat_index.aspx?expandable=2
  • http://moneymorning.com/2015/07/21/the-power-of-the-loophole-trade/
1Research Scholar, KL University Business School, Vaddeswaram, Guntur District, Andhra Pradesh
[2]Associate Professor & Alternate HoD, KL University Business School, Vaddeswaram, Guntur District, A.P.

Dr. Dilbag Singh Bisla

“Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it” were the fiery motivating words of Bal Gangadhar Tilak, which aroused a sleeping nation to action, making Indians aware of their political plight under an imperialist rule.1 That way, Tilak may arguably be credited to be first of the Indian nationalists who lit the indomitable light of radical nationalism in the hearts of common people of India. He had multifaceted personality and devoted his energies to diverse types of activities. As an great champion of the Poona temperance and educationist, he played significant role in establishing Poona New English School in 1880, apart from the Decean Education Society and the Fergussoan College.
During the days of Swadeshi Movement, he was the main leader, mover and also patron of the Samartha Vidyalaya. As a fighter against economic injustice, he played an important role in making the people conscious of their rights during the famine of 1896.2 He was opposed to any kind of economic discriminatiosn and moved an important resolutions pertaining to economic affairs from the nationalist platforms such as the resolution on permanent settlement, decentralization of finances, etc. Swadeshi movement and its cult is closely associated with Tilak. As a political leader, Tilak played very significant role in activities having profound impact on the life of common men. He infused the spirit of political assertiveness and patriotism among the people of the country through his aggressive nationalist policies.
He was keen to see that the public should not remain unaware about numerous happening in the region and in the subcontinent as a whole. He had the desire to give vent to his feeling in the press with the sense of complete responsibility and freedom. Therefore, he started two news papers Keshri and Maratha in 1881.3 To inject the spirit of nationalism and awareness among the people, he started the Ganapati Puja and Shivaji Mahotsva in 1896. These festivals were instrumental in bringing people together culturally irrespective of their caste and creed. He believed that independence is the foremost necessity for the well being of a nation and its people. In India perhaps he was the first leader to understand the importance of mass support and subsequently became the first mass leader of India. He realized that the constitutional agitation in itself have been futile against the Colonial rule but without venturing with the revolutionaries. He created and marshaled the extremist wing of the Indian National Congress which he joined in 1889 His movement was based on the principles of Swadeshi, Boycott and Education.
Believing that the imparting education is the best policy to serve the nation and its people, he and his friend Gopal Ganesh Agarkar who became the, Principal of the Ferguson College, decided to devote their lives to the cause of education. To impart affordable and healthy education to younger generation,4 they established the New English School at Pune, in and Deccan Society in 1885. They started their carrier as school teachers. However, Tilak felt that only educating young generation was not enough and that the elderly people also needed to he exposed to the socio-political and economic realities of Indian society and started two weeklies Maratha and Keshri in English and Marathi respectively. According to Tilak enriching the Indian society and its cultural values is only possible with the development of education. Tilak had great respect and love for Indian civilization. He analyzed the situation of the country and concluded that the freedom of the Nation cannot be achieved without the active support of the masses. In order to enthuse the masses to participate in the on going freedom struggle actively it was essential to revive their pride in the glorious past of the country and make them awake of the misdeeds of the foreign rule. Ganpati and Shivaji Mahotsava became highly successful in this regard and became a mile stone in the history of our freedom movement.
Tilak was the first political Leader to break through the routine of its somewhat academic methods, to bridge the gulf between the present and the past and to restore continuity to the political life of the nation. He developed a language and a spirit and used methods which indianized the movement and brought into the masses. Tilak had not faith in the constitutional method adopted by Gokhle and others to achieve their goal.5 He pointed out that the constitutional method might be very appropriate in a country like Britain where there is a constitution and a responsible government for the public. But it is totally inapplicable to a country like India where the  penal code is the constitution and the people have no democratic means to change the government. He asserted that Indian could not base their agitation on law because the law could be changed by the irresponsible and autocratic government at any point of time and in any manner it like.
About the ineffectiveness of the Constitutional method he wrote in Kesari, "We will get nothing by appealing to or shouting hoarse in the ears of the British bureaucracy in India. It is like breaking our heads against a stone wall. He was off the opinion that the British government is unresponsive to the demands of the Congress leaders, because it was convinced that they could 'only bark and had no teeth to bite.’ Thus he adopted a method of agitation which must heart the Britist govenrment.6
            His political thought represents a synthesis of some of the dominent conception of Indian thought and the nationalistic and democratic ideas of the modern west. He was a Vendantist which taught him the supremeacy of the concept of freedom : According to him freedom was the soul of the Home rule movement. The divine instinct of freedom rave aged freedom is the “freedom was the soul of the home rule movement.7
            Lokmanya Tilak as a political philosopher has given us a theory of Nationalism. His theory of nationalism is a synthesis of both the teachings eastern and western thinkers.
            Tilak’s nationalism had  a revivalist orientation. He wanted to bring to the forefront the message of the Vedas and the Gita for providing spiritual energy and moral enthusiasm to the nation. According to him, “a recovery of the healthy and vital traditions of the old culture of India was essential a true nationalist desires to build on old foundation.”8 Reforms based onutter disrespect for the old does not appeal to him as constructive work.” He said that we do not want to anglicize our institutions and so denationlize them in the name of social and political reforms.9 M.N.Ray pointed out that Shivaji and Ganpati festivals had been encouraged by Tilak to link contemporary events and movements with historical traditions.10
            Because of his spiritual approach, Tilak regarded that Swarajaya not only a right but a dharam.11 He also gave a moral and spiritual meaning of Swarajya. Politically meant Home Rule. Morally it meant the attainment of the perfection of self control, which is essential for performing "one's duty" (Swadharma). It also had a spiritual significance because it meant the realization of spiritual inner freedom and contemplative delight. Tilak wanted both political and spiritual freedom. Tilak's nationalism was also influenced by the western theories of national independence and self determination. His philosophy of nationalism was a synthesis of the Vedantic idea of the spirit as self contained freedom and western conception of the Mazzani and Burke, Mill and later on of Wilson. This synthesis he expresscdin-teims of swarajya, a Vedantic term, which was used in Maharashtra to indicate the Maratha policy of Shivaji. According to Tilak nationalism is not a visible and concrete entity but is a kind of sentiment and idea and in generating this idea the historical memories of the great figure of a country play a significant part.
Nationalism is essentially a psychological and spiritual conception. Tilak had a systematic philosophy'of nationalism. He rightly felt that the roots of Indian nationalism must lie not in the mere intellectual appeals to the theories of the western liberal writers but in the sentiments and emotions of the Indian masses. He felt that the memories of Shivaji would serve to reinvigorate nationalistic emotions of the common people. Shivaji became the symbol of the resentment and resistance of the people against oppression and injustice. Tilak tried several times to repute the changes of anti Muslimism against this festival. He pointed out carefully that he wanted revival of his foundations and spirits. During Bengal partition day Tilak said that both Hindus and Muslims should assert their rights against the bureaucracy that was trying to crush all.
            Tilak wanted to substantiate the nationalistic movement in India by a strong cultural and religious revival of Hindusim but he also accepted the economic arguments for nationalism.12 Dadabhai Nauroji made famous the 'Drain theory' in Indian economies. Both Tilak and Gokhale accepted the foreign imperialism resulted in the enormous 'drain' of India's resources. In-1897 Tilak wrote three articles in the Kesari at the time of Diamond Jublee Celebration of Queen Victoria on 22nd June. He started that India's arts and industries had declined under the British rule. He wrote that various economic enterprises and investment in India, of the foreign capitalists only created evidence given by Dadabhai, before the Welby commission.13 He also emphasized the economic dimension of the swadeshi movement, which indicates his awareness of the economic roots of Indian nationalism. The swadeshi movement in India assumed a spiritual and a political character. It becomes a movement for the liberation of spiritual energies of the nation for the sake of the political emancipation of the land. In a speech in January 1907 at Allahabad, Tilak pleaded for a protective tariff of our own by the boycott of foreign goods.... The salvation of the country could be attained not by waiting on the bureaucracy and sending petitions to them containing appeals to logic and reason but only by the concerted efforts of the people themselves. He therefore exhorted the nation to work for the concrete realization of the resolutions on Swadeshi, Boycott and national education which had been passed at the congress session of 1906 at Calcutta.14
Tilak held that attainment of Swarajya would be great victory for Indian Nationalism. Hence he gave the Mantra "Swarajya is the birth right of Indians." Although m his speeches and writings Lokmanya always said that swarajya did not impiy the negation and severance of ultimate British sovereignty, still people knew that in his heart of hearts he always wanted -complete independence. He once wrote that swarajya is "the foundation and not the height of our future prosperity.15 He always pointed out that fee path of the attainment of swarajya was full of suffering and misery. During the Home Rule days Tilak always was careful to say that he was not opposed to the king-emperor but he wanted to change the Anglo Indian bureaucracy. Bipin Chandra Pal has described, "Tilak was a believer in Imperial Federation which would be composed of Great Britain, Ireland and Egypt, India and the dominions each absolutely autonomous internally: but combined for the purposes of protection and progress.16
Concept of Swarajya
The word swarajya is an old Vedic term and in Tilak's value system swaraj was a moral necessity.17 For Tilak, swaraj not only the birth right of every Indian but a dharma, a duty. It was "a life centered in self and dependent upon self.” It meant self control and inner spiritual freedom. But such spiritual freedom was possible only if there was political freedom. Similarly Bipin Chandra Pal said that term swaraj was used in the Vedanta to indicate the Highest Spiritual State.18 In course of time Tilak studied the different issues agitating the minds of the people. He saw clearly the inherent contradiction between the economic interests of Britain and India. He realized that the administrative weaknesses, the political injustice and the political exploitation from which India suffered could be remedied not by an appeal to the .good sense of the British people but only by making the Indian administration responsive to Indian Public opinion. He therefore placed before his countrymen the objective of Swaraj.19 Defining swaraj as the right of the people to conduct the administration of the country, according to what they consider to be their good.
Swaraj might mean government by rulers belonging to same country Religion or caste as the ruled, through desirable in itself. This was the least important aspect of Swaraj. If the government is really responsible to the governed foreign king or a few foreign administrators would mean no harm except a small outflow of income from the country. What is more essential is that the government should be a good government, a government based on peace order and rule of law. The word swaraj essentially mean a constitutional government." A government which rules according to the wishes of the people of their representatives.20 Tilak's connotation of swaraj needs to be analysed a little more carefully. The interpretation and analysis made so far is either too narrow or superficial. This may be due to the fact that scholars have paid more attention to Tilak's role as a nationalist leader than as" a philosopher of swaraj. Tilak himself has described these things in his writings and speeches. What is swaraj? Many have a misconception about this. Some do not understand this: Some understand it. Misrepresent it. Some do not want it.21 Thus, it has become very necessary to review and assess afresh the contribution of Tilak. But it is difficult to expect any coherent political philosophy from Tilak, because_primarily he was a political activist and was mainly concerned with the mission of mobilizing people for Swaraj. This becorhes even more difficult as one has to rely mainly on Tilak's occasional writings in Kesari and many speeches he delivered in the long span of his political life.
Tilak was one of those leaders who asserted themselves ever since the beginning of the freedom struggle to argue for India's right to swaraj or nationalself determination. Such ideals as these can be achieved by fostering strong feeling of patriotism and self respect among the people by moulding public opinion and by bringing pressure to bear on the British authorities for granting political rights. He concentrated his efforts throughout his life for the attainment of this single aim.But the Britishers envy was pride of the Indians. The way Tilak nurtured the values and feelings for nationalism in the poor folks of the country went a long way in reinforcing the struggle for independence whose fruits were actually obtained in 1947, after the death of Tilak. Yet, when the country became independent, in the galaxy oflndian leaders whose mammoth efforts lay at the root of independence of the country, the name of Tilak and the other people of his ilk will remain inked in indelible colour.
  1. Tilak Slogan
  2. During Famine in 1896
  3. The Newspaper started Keshri and Maratha in 1881
  4. N.C. Kalkar, Life and Time of Lokmanya Tilak, p. 17
  5. Shankar Ghose : Modern Indian Political Thought, p. 81
  6. Statement of Tilak in Newspaper- Kesari
  7. B.G. Tilak, Geeta Rahasya(Hindi Edn.), p.399
  8. Tilak’s letters, Mahratta 13 Dec., 1919
  9. Tilak’s letters, Mahratta 13 Dec., 1919
  10. M.N. Ray, India in Transmission, 1922 Geneva, p, 14
  11. Tilak’s Speeches at Yatmal, after Lucknow Congress 1916, speeches p 256
  12. M.N.Ray, India in Transition, 1922 Geneva, p, 14
  13. Welby commission report, p. 181-182
  14. Congress Resolution passed in 1906 Culcatta Session
  15. Speeches and writing of Tilak p. 278
  16. B.C.Pal, Indian Nationalism, Tilak.
  17. T.L.Shay, Legacy of Lokmanya, p. 215
  18. B.C.Pal the spirit of Indian Nationalism, p. 46
  19. B.G. Tilak, writing from Kesari (in Mrathi) vol. III, p. 177
  20. B.G. Tilak, writing from Kesari (in Mrathi) vol. III, p. 174
  21. Lecture delivered at belgaum immediately after the meeting held under the auspices of the Historical Research Society on 1st May, 1916.
Urban growth gives rise to economies of scale. Industries benefit from concentrations of suppliers and consumers which allow savings in communications and transport costs. Large cities also provide big differentiated labour markets and may help accelerate the pace of technological innovation. Urban growth also allows economies of scale in such services as water supply and electric power to be exploited. Evidence from India suggests that substantial economies of scale are found in cities of up to 150,000 inhabitants.
Benefits and Costs of Urbanisation

Against these benefits, a major consequence of rural-urban migration is over-urbanisation. In other words, at some point, diseconomies of scale begin to emerge as cities become too big, although the city size at which these become important has not been demonstrated.
Along with the rapid spread of urbanisation has come the prolific growth of huge slums and shanty towns. Today, slum settlements represent over one-third of the urban population in all developing countries; in many cases they account for more than 60% of the urban total. The enormous numbers of squatters and slum-dwellers, who account for half the populations of cities as diverse as Istanbul, Dar es Salaam and Caracas are a visible sign of the ‘lottery’ described above.

Surveys confirm that air pollution, congestion, social disturbances, crime and similar problems increase disproportionately with city size. The concentration of people also causes congestion and raises the cost of travel so that scarce resources like time and fuel are wasted. In addition, the mounting pressure on existing services means deteriorating quality and a reduction of what is available per person. As cities expand, the cost of providing basic services can rise enormously.
Over-urbanisation and its related problems (pollution, noise and congestion) are examples of negative externalities. The presence of such externalities causes a market to operate inefficiently. The market failure will lead to a free-market solution which tends towards over-urbanisation or to a size of city that is above the socially desirable one, because there is a clear divergence between private and social marginal costs (i.e. social costs = private costs + external costs).

This idea can be understood from Figure 4. Migrants impose costs on others e.g. congestion, pollution, noise, etc. This is represented by placing marginal social cost curve (MSC) above the marginal private cost curve (MPC) in Figure 4. In this case private costs fail to coincide with social cost because the true social cost is equal to the private cost plus the cost that migration imposes in terms of overcrowded cities. Since the social marginal cost of migration to cities exceeds the private marginal costs, there is a clear sign that too much migration is taking place. Migrants face a choice of whether to stay in the rural areas or to migrate to the city. They will migrate as long as the benefits of migration exceed the their private costs. So migration takes place up to the point where marginal private cost is equal to the marginal private benefits i.e. MPC=MPB and where the size of cities is Q0. However, the optimal size of cities is Q*. Thus, the distance Q*Qrepresents the negative external effects of migration on city-dwellers i.e. the degree of over-urbanisation in cities or the extent to which large cities are too big.
Despite the huge social costs of rural-urban migration, people are still moving to overcrowded cities. This tendency can be understood as a response to large urban-rural wage differentials maintained by minimum wage laws and restrictive practices. Because of the externalities involved in migration decisions there is a good reason to suppose that unregulated markets will tend to promote over-urbanisation. As long as the private costs of migration are less than the social costs and migrants are willing to risk not finding a high-wage job, over-urbanisation is likely to continue to be a serious problem for developing countries.
Review Notes
1. Huge and growing cities are a feature of many developing countries - it is predicted that by early next century 22 of the worlds largest 27 cities will be in developing countries.
2. Whilst cities may have a certain lure in terms of ‘bright lights’ it is economic factors that largely explain this the tendency towards urbanisation - urban wages are very substantially higher than rural wages.
3. High urban wages are maintained by minimum wage laws, union pressure and the presence of high-wage employers (often governments and multinational corporations) so equilibrium is reached not by the adjustment of wages but by high unemployment.
4. The fact that it is mostly the young and the educated who migrate supports this economic explanation of rural-urban migration because these workers have the most to gain in terms of lifetime earnings.
5. Decisions to migrate to urban areas result in many external costs as cities become large – pollution, noise and congestion are some examples of these external costs.
6. In the presence of migration externalities it is likely that there will be over-urbanisation.

by Shashikant Nishant Sharma